mental health study of vaisnava converts

[Guest guest]

 

study by psychologists on mental health of devotees,

the conclusion they reached...devotees(men more then women)

are better mentally adjusted then the average person,

happier then the average person, and the longer a devotee

has been a vaisnava, the better the mental health,

and the happier they become.

 

ever increasing bliss, as the Shastra insists.

 

 

---------------------------

 

EFFECTS OF ACCULTURATION INTO THE HARE KRISHNA MOVEMENT ON MENTAL HEALTH

AND PERSONALITY

 

 

 

Using the Mental Health Inventory and the Comrey Personality Scales, we

evaluated mental health and personality differences arising from

differences in acculturation into the Hare Krishna movement for 132

males and 94 females with up to 18 years of membership and a mean time

of 8.6 years. Subjects were volunteers from eight U.S. sites and

averaged 30 years old. The degree of acculturation, a measure of

religiosity, was defined by a specially developed scale and ranged

widely across the sample. Personality traits were mostly invariant with

acculturation, and those traits on which the Hare Krishnas differed from

the norm group may be prerequisite to membership rather than being its

consequences. Mental health was also largely invariable with

acculturation, except that greater degrees of acculturation were

associated with greater subjective well-being. Alternatives were

explored to the hypothesis that increased religiosity benefits mental

health.

 

 

THEORETICAL BACKGROUND

 

 

Great controversy exists over the psychological impact of membership in

nontraditional religions or "cults," with arguments and data suggesting

consequences ranging from positive (e.g., Galanter et al. 1979) to

negative (e.g., Singer 1979). The Hare Krishnas have been the subject of

vigorous contention (e.g., Conway and Siegelman 1982; Ross 1983a), and

alleged Hare Krishna "brainwashing" was at issue in a court case where

the Society for the Scientific Study of Religion and others voiced their

opinions (George v. ISKCON 1988). The research reported here is a

continuation of an on-going investigation of the mental health and

personality of 132 male and 94 female Hare Krishna volunteers with an

average of 8.6 years in the movement, sampled from eight U.S. sites

(Weiss 1985,1987; Weiss and Comrey 1987a, 1987b, 1987c). Prior

quantitative studies have been severely limited by both methodology and

scope so that it is not possible to characterize Hare Krishna mental

health or personality on the basis of these reports (Kutty et al. 1979;

Levine and Salter 1976; Rochford 1982; Ross 1983a, 1983b, 1985; Stones

1980; Stones and Philbrick 1980). Ross's work, the most extensive of

these, examined 42 persons in Australia and found no mental health

defects.

 

The present series of inquiries uses the 180-item Comrey Personality

Scales (CPS) (Comrey 1970a, 1970b, 1980) which measure eight personality

traits,[1] and the 38-item Mental Health Inventory (MHI) (Ware et al.

1979; Veit and Ware 1983)which provides an overall Mental Health Index

hierarchically divided into eight scales (Table 1). The MHI is a measure

of psychological well-being and distress in general populations (N =

5,089). Factor analysis has confirmed the applicability of the CPS to

this study's Hare Krishna sample (Weiss and Comrey 1987a). The most

prominent and surprising finding was the hallmark feature of the Hare

Krishna personality: a strong compulsivity trait in both genders (Weiss

and Comrey 1987b). With this exception, the average CPS scores of both

sexes were within the normal psychological range. On the MHI, Hare

Krishna and general population women did not differ significantly (Weiss

1987), and Hare Krishna men differed from norm men solely in a

significant elevation of their positive feelings of well-being.

 

Well-known theories argue that religion furnishes meaning and purpose to

life, is associated with greater self-reported health and happiness

(e.g., James 1902), and counters anomie and depression (Stack

1981,1983). Arguments that meaning can be found outside religion are

also well-known (e.g., Ellis 1971). The literature generally provides

minimal or no empirical support for finding religion either a positive

or a negative factor in mental health (e.g. Bergin 1983; Chamberlain and

Zika 1988; Lea 1982; Sharkey and Maloney 1986) or personality (e.g.,

Sanua 1969; Weiss and Comrey 1987a), although some have found that

religion accounted for a small positive increase (2-6% variance) in

subjective well-being (e.g., Witter et al. 1985). Bergin et al. (1988)

concluded that for the many studies done, the underlying phenomena and

principles were inconclusive, so that the debate over the role of

religion in mental health has been unresolved.

 

The religiosity measures used in the literature could be improved by

expanding their definitions to include multiple dimensions (e.g., Lea

1982; Steinitz 1980). For example, the limitations of one popular

measure, frequency of religious attendance, have been discussed by Levin

and Markides (1986), who suggested additional variables. The present

study tried to use an improved measure specific to this sample by

defining a religiosity variable based on the observation that the Hare

Krishna culture is inextricably tied to religion. Religiosity as used in

this study thus measures the degree of religio-cultural involvement,

including changes in lifestyle, behavior, and belief arising from

resocialization, indoctrination, and immersion into the Hare Krishna

movement. These integrated effects can be termed acculturation (Taft

1962).

 

A question on which we sought to shed some light is whether or not the

Hare Krishnas' mental health and personalities are adversely affected by

greater degrees of involvement or acculturation into their religious

life, as is contended by some critics (e.g., Conway and Siegelman 1982),

or if they respond either with a small positive increase in well-being

or with no increase at all, as do members of traditional religions

reported in the literature. It would appear that if cult involvement

were detrimental, it would be salient in those who have become most

absorbed in the cult. We compared differences in the MHI and CPS scores

of members with different degrees of acculturation into the Hare Krishna

movement to determine the relationship of acculturation to mental health

and to personality, respectively.

 

 

THE ACCULTURATION INDEX, A MEASURE OF RELIGIOSITY

 

 

Design, validation, and reliability of the Hare Krishna acculturation

instrument has been detailed by Weiss (1985:73-93). The coefficient

alpha for the sample (N = 226) was 0.93. The acculturation index, AI,

was computed by an algebraic formula from a self-report inventory of 53

items that measured the degree of immersion into the Hare Krishna

religion (Weiss 1985:310-325). Most items had seven response choices,

and each choice generally had a different acculturative weight in the

formula. Contents included: dietary habits, marriage and sexual

practices, child naming and education, donation of time and money to

their temple, preaching involvement, dress styles, music and reading

material, media listening and viewing habits, social and family life,

formal religious activities and attendance, private religious and

secular beliefs, and drug or substance use.

 

Acculturation at one end of the scale was measured against United States

general population members who reported no immersion into the Hare

Krishna movement (AI = 1.0), and at the other end, against the maximally

immersed hypothetical Hare Krishna devotee who faithfully follows the

tenets of the religion (AI = 7.0). Hypothetically, substantial numbers

of the general population who are not Hare Krishnas can have AI values

of 1.40 to 1.80, if they practice vegetarianism, high frequency of

prayer, etc., up to a possible maximum score of 2.25 (Weiss 1985).

Hypothetical constructs for differing degrees of acculturation resulted

in expert judges' estimating "weak" members or "sympathizers" to score

about 3.00, "moderate" members about 5.70, and "strong" devotees about

6.95 on the AI scale. For the sample, the AI range was 3.24 to 6.92, M =

6.09, SD = .76. The AI was not gender-related, nor was it related to

length of time in the movement, which ranged from a few months to 18

years. Increased time exposure did not assure increased acculturation.

 

 

METHODS

 

 

Since this study continues the analysis of the same Hare Krishna sample

reported previously in the literature, certain methodological

considerations have already been discussed and are only referenced here.

Subjects and data collection procedures are described in Weiss (1987).

Comparison of Hare Krishna and normative group demographics for the CPS

are in Weiss and Comrey (1987b), and for the MHI are in Weiss (1987).

Study limitations are found under Data Sample Procedure and

Generalizability in Weiss and Comrey (1987b).

 

 

Data Analysis

 

 

Both MHI and CPS score associations with the AI, by gender, were

examined as each inventory's scales served separately, in turn, as the

dependent variable in a multiple regression analysis. Each regression

progressed hierarchically through linear, quadratic, and cubic

polynomials of the variable AI as warranted by the proportion and

significance of variance (p < .05) accounted for at each level.

 

 

MHI Comparisons for Low and High Acculturation Groups

 

 

Differences in MHI scores between subjects with low and high AI were

studied by trichotomizing the entire Hare Krishna sample and choosing a

"high AI " group and a "low AI " group (defined below), separated by a

mid-range group. Those of each gender, in both the low and high AI

groups, were compared to their MHI norm counterparts using independent

two-way t tests. Multiple comparison methods of Tukey (Hopkins and Glass

1978) and Dunnett (Roscoe 1975) were used to examine selected

differences (p < .05).

 

Definitions of High and Low AI Groups. The choices for the high AI and

low AI groups were based on the frequency distribution of AI values for

the sample and on the need to include sufficient numbers of both sexes

in each group. The high AI group comprised those at or above the median

of the sample, 6.32, while the low AI group included all below 5.90.

Examination of the AI frequency polygon showed that 5.90 represented a

critical change area as the region of lower AI values was rapidly

entered from higher values.

 

The low AI group had 22% of the sample (33 males with AI scores between

3.24 and 5.86 [M = 4.90, SD = .76] and 17 females with scores between

3.30 and 5.89 [M =4.89, SD = .94] ). The high AI group had 50% of the

sample (58 males with AI scores between 6.34 and 6.86 [M = 6.57, SD =

.14] and 55 females with scores between 6.32 and 6.92 [M = 6.58, SD =

.17]). There was no significant difference in AI between sexes in either

the high or low AI group. Also, neither high AI gender differed

significantly in age from its MHI norm counterpart.

 

Other AI range trichotomies were possible. The intent was to provide two

sufficiently distant AI groups so that MHI scores with relatively low

and high AI values could be compared. Means of the two groups chosen,

about 4.90 and 6.57, appeared to be sufficiently far apart for the range

and frequency of the sample.[2] The AI mid-range spanned 5.90 to 6.32

and was above the construct of 5.70 for the "moderately" acculturated

member. Part of the low AI group thus included some members with

moderate values of AI. This would tend to reduce rather than enhance any

differences between groups based on AI.

 

 

Data Response Bias

 

 

Personality inventories are highly susceptible to response biases such

as lying and socially desirable responses, particularly if proper

instructions are given in how to fake answers (Krahe 1989). Remedies

suggested are: a separate scale to detect response bias (including

social desirability), the use of lie scales, the examination of scale

intercorrelations, and care in giving instructions and motivation. The

CPS has randomly distributed among its items the Validity (V) scale to

measure lies and irregular responses and the Response Bias ® scale

which includes social desirability. In addition, there are detection

methods available which use the frequency of item response categories

and statistics of relative scale values (Comrey 1980). Each subject's

data and results were examined by Comrey to detect faking or distortion.

No anomalies were found. Scale intercorrelations were also examined in

the factor analysis and no peculiarities were observed.

 

The printed instructions on the data booklet, entitled "General

Information Form," stated that information gathered in the study would

be "of substantial benefit to the Hare Krishna Movement (ISKCON) in

providing the public with a better understanding of the Movement, its

devotees, and congregational members." Each form had an anonymous code

number. The MHI was in the package, and its printed title was "Form Two

(Quick Version)." The first author solely administered all forms in one

session to about 60 persons who had arrived at the Los Angeles temple

for a scheduled early morning theology class. According to Comrey (1980)

and Krahe (1989), responses are more likely to be honest if taking the

test is perceived to be in the subject's interest. Accordingly, a free

CPS personality profile was confidentially offered if a stamped

self-addressed envelope with the code number was mailed to the first

author. From around the country, 27.4% of the subjects responded. Their

CPS scores were no different from those of the rest of the sample,

except that they showed more trust and egocentricity and less

compulsivity.

 

 

RESULTS

 

 

CPS Variation with Acculturation

 

 

Female scores showed a linear increase on the CPS P-scale with

increasing AI, accounting for 8.6% of the variance (p < .005). The other

nine CPS scales showed no significant differences for females. Males

showed linear increases in scores with increases in Al (% variance): R

scale = 4.6% (p < .02) and P scale = 9.1% (p < .001). Also, AI accounted

for 12.3% of the variance in the O scale, which represents compulsivity,

with linear and cubic components (p < .001). This appeared as a U-shaped

curve, with the compulsivity scores high at both ends and low in the

mid-range of AI values. The AI range was 3.24 to 6.86 (M = 6.03) with

the low point of the "U" at AI = 4.8. CPS O-scores varied over a

substantially large range equal to 1.14 SD of the O-score mean. Male

scores on the other seven CPS scales did not change significantly with

AI.

 

 

MHI Score Variation with Acculturation

 

 

For women, the General Positive Affect score increased in the direction

of greater mental health as the cube of AI (4.3% variance, p < .05). No

other significant relationships for women occurred on the remaining

eight MHI scales. For men, significant relationships were found on the

five positive attribute scales of the MHI, where each of these measures

increased linearly with AI in the direction of greater mental health (%

variances): Mental Health Index = 3.2% (p < .05); Psychological

WeR-Being = 7.5% Well-Being < .001); General Positive Affect = 6.7% (p <

.005); Emotional Ties = 10% (p < .001); and Life Satisfaction = 5.8% (p

< .005).

 

 

MHI Comparisons for Low Acculturation Groups

 

 

Hare Krishna women of the low AI group scored significantly lower on

Life Satisfaction than did MHI normative group women: 55.3 versus 66.6,

t(1,529) = - 2.1 (p < .05). (All MHI scales are 0 to 100 units with

quantities of the factor measuring greatest at 100.) No significant

differences were found between women of the low AI group and the MHI

norm women on the other eight MHI scales. Like the women, low AI Hare

Krishna men received significantly lower scores than did norm men on

Life Satisfaction: 58.8 versus 68.0, t(1,237) = - 2.6 (p < .01). They

also scored in the direction of decreased mental health relative to MHI

males on Emotional Ties (60.3 vs. 72.3), t(1,238) = - 2.9 (p < .01) and

on Loss of Behavioral/Emotional Control (16.8 vs. 12.0), t(1,238) = 2.5

(p < .02). There were no significant differences between the male groups

on the other six MHI scales.

 

 

MHI Comparisons for High Acculturation Groups

 

 

High AI Hare Krishna women received higher scores than did MHI norm

women on Psychological Well-Being (70.7 vs. 65.0) and on General

Positive Affect (70.7 vs. 63.4), using the Tukey and Dunnett tests (p <

.01). These two scales are highly correlated: r = .98 (Veit and Ware

1983). No significant differences were found on the other seven MHI

scales for women. Like the women, high AI men scored significantly

higher in the healthier direction than did norm men on Psychological

Well-Being (73.8 vs. 66.3) and on General Positive Affect (73.8 vs.

64.3), using the Tukey and Dunnett tests (p < .01). No significant

differences were found between high AI men and the norm men on the other

seven MHI scales.

 

 

Post Hoc Comparisons of Low and High AI Groups on the MHI

 

 

The low AI males and females were each compared, post hoc, with their

high AI counterparts on those MHI scales for which high AI subjects had

higher mental health scores than did low AI subjects. The results of

this comparison for males are in Table 1. High AI males received

significantly higher scores than did low AI males on all five positive

attribute scales. For females, scores on one scale, General Positive

Affect, increased with increasing AI, while low AI females received

significantly lower scores than did high AI females (59.1 vs. 70.7),

t(60) = - 2.3 (p < .05).

 

 

DISCUSSION

 

 

Personality Differences with Acculturation

 

 

Hare Krishna women demonstrated no significant differences in

personality with AI differences, except for an increase (8.6% variance)

on the CPS P (Empathy vs. Egocentrism) scale which was shared by the men

(9.1% variance). These increases are within the normal CPS range and

imply tendencies toward increased concern for other people, to become

more involved in missionary work, and possibly to use altruism as a

socially acceptable replacement for withdrawing from the secular arena

in which some may feel that they cannot succeed. These findings for

women imply that greater or lesser degrees of immersion into the Hare

Krishna religion are not associated with abnormalities in personality.

 

Males and females both had no significant personality differences with

differences in AI on seven CPS scales. Since there were no differences

on the T (Trust vs. Defensiveness) scale, it is suggested that the

somewhat low trust of others by the Hare Krishnas measured with this

scale (Weiss and Comrey 1987b) is not a consequence of acculturation

into the movement, but either existed prior to joining the movement or

was a necessary condition of maintaining membership. The male R

(Response Bias) score increase with AI (4.6% variance) was small and

within normal bounds (Comrey 1980; Weiss and Comrey 1987c). Very high R

scores could be indicative of an invalid record. The relative number of

Hare Krishna male scores that were in the upper stanines of the it-score

distribution was not significantly different from that of the CPS norm

group, nor from those of other valid groups studied by Comrey (1980:69).

Lower R scores are often associated with negative self-image or guilt

leading to self criticism, while higher R scores within the normal range

are associated with a more positive self-image. Hence, by contrast, more

highly accultured members with greater self-esteem could receive higher

scores on the R scale than would those with lower acculturation. This

would be consistent with the result that high AI males' scores were

higher on mental health than were those of low AI males.

 

The compulsive personality trait of the Hare Krishnas as a group is

invariant with acculturation for females, but differs for males with

different degrees of acculturation (12.3% variance). One hypothesis for

this U-shaped relationship is that highly compulsive males may choose to

direct their energies into either spiritual or secular domains, which

would either increase or decrease their acculturation, respectively.

Males with the lowest drive energies would tend to be relatively low

achievers in both secular and spiritual domains. Their AIs would not be

as high as that of those whose greater compulsive energy is utilized in

religious tasks, but would be higher than that of the secularly directed

who tend to devote the least time to religion; they would thus fall in

the mid-range of AI values. The constancy of female compulsivity with

acculturation is hypothesized to arise from their primary lack of choice

to enter the secular domain, since the movement's tenets require them to

assume the traditional role of homemaker, involving them with internal

or temple activities rather than with outside commerce and work. This is

congruent with prior findings that the Hare Krishna females have CPS

personality traits similar to those of traditional American females of

the 1960s, with the notable exceptions of compulsivity and trust (Weiss

and Comrey 1987b).

 

 

Mental Health as a Function of Acculturation

 

 

The degree of acculturation into the Hare Krishna movement for women had

no significant association with MHI measures, except for a modest

enhancement (4.3% variance) on the General Positive Affect subscale with

greater acculturation. For Hare Krishna men, the results were more

pronounced, as they exhibited a significant increase in their

Psychological Well-Being scores with greater acculturation (7.5%

variance). Although a decrease in Psychological Distress scores could

ordinarily be expected to accompany increased well-being, no significant

change occurred in this scale with increased acculturation. A similar

result, termed the "positivity effect," for the entire male sample

relative to the MHI male norm group has been described in an analysis

where acculturation differences were not considered (Weiss 1987). Hare

Krishna men appeared not to suppress their negative feelings of distress

but reported elevated feelings of well-being.

 

Comparisons of MHI scores of the high and low AI groups to the MHI group

means could be useful in evaluating the hypothesis that greater cult

involvement (as measured by higher acculturation) is associated with

decreased mental health, as feared by some (e.g., Conway and Siegelman

1982), and that less acculturation is more likely to be associated with

normal mental health. Our results suggest the contrary. High AI groups

for both genders reported significantly greater well-being than did

their respective MHI norms, while not reporting significantly less

distress than did the norms (a positivity effect). Also, low AI group

scores on a few subscales were significantly lower than were the MHI

norms.

 

Furthermore, if greater acculturation were associated with lesser mental

health, we probably would not have found another result: A comparison of

MHI scores between the high and low AI groups showed a strong positivity

effect, as Hare Krishna men with Greater acculturation reported

significantly greater mental health than did those of lower

acculturation, while women reported a weaker positivity effect.

 

A Hare Krishna might argue that increased well-being is a divinely

granted reward to those who are most devoted to their religious practice

(e.g., Bhaktivedanta 1972:834-835). Of course, social scientific

hypotheses also deserve consideration. One hypothesis is that the use of

denial as a defense mechanism increases with greater personal religious

commitment and ultimately reinforces approved religious actions through

cognitive dissonance. This would involve unconscious denial of the

alternative (a lack of increase in well-being with increased immersion),

since this would represent an unacceptable personal failure to achieve

rewards expected with increased religious practice. This denial,

however, would seem to apply only to positive feelings, since devotees

of higher acculturation do not appear to deny their negative feelings of

psychological distress as they simultaneously report more feelings of

well-being, when compared to those of lower acculturation and the

general population. It may be, however, that denial is indeed active and

that if it had not been, the reported distress would have been greater

than normal.

 

 

CONCLUSIONS AND HYPOTHESES

 

 

Excluding compulsivity, Hare Krishna personality traits appear to be

invariant with degree of acculturation, except as noted, and remain

within the normal range. Yet, compulsivity may be prerequisite for

sustaining membership rather than being acquired through some process of

the movement over time. This is consistent with the finding that

acculturation is not associated with length of time in the movement. For

the cross-section studied, no evidence was found that adverse

personality traits are associated with greater acculturation into the

movement.

 

Mental health was not associated with differences in acculturation,

except that highly acculturated Hare Krishna men (and women to a lesser

extent) reported significantly greater well-being than did their general

population norms or lesser acculturated peers (a positivity effect).

Also, scores of the lesser acculturated group did not differ

significantly from those of MHI norm group, except on a few of the MHI

subscales where they were significantly lower.

 

The association of higher acculturation with greater mental health does

not necessarily indicate that increased religiosity benefits mental

health, or vice versa. It may simply be that those joining the movement

with greater mental health are emotionally more stable, physically

healthier, and function better interpersonally to achieve their goal of

intense religio-cultural practice, while those experiencing

psychological difficulties are less able to do so and thus remain closer

to their original culture. This hypothesis would be consistent with the

positivity effects for Hare Krishnas compared on acculturation, and may

also help explain the positivity effect relative to the MHI general

population. Those few who elect to leave the general population and

their families to seek deep immersion into the unfamiliar lifestyle of a

controversial minority undergo considerable acculturative stress and may

require the more positive emotional qualities associated with greater

mental health to surmount this difficult transition and to succeed in

this minority lifestyle. Hence, those more successful at acculturating

may have originated from that segment of the general population with

greater mental health, so that their scores may be significantly higher

than those of the MHI general population. Alternatively or concurrently,

a feedback process may occur. Those with greater mental health may be

able to fulfill better the tenets of their religion, thereby receiving

approval from authorities, peers, and self. This may increase their

feelings of self-worth and lead to still greater contrast in relative

mental health.

 

Another mechanism might be an increased acculturation into religion as a

therapeutic strategy that helps resolve emotional difficulties and

thereby enhances mental health. Curative features may include immersion

into a family or organizational social structure, rewards of mastery,

narcissistic mirroring, and authorities as ego ideals and parental

surrogates. The features of social involvement that usually serve mental

health are not restricted to churches and religious settings and may

occur in such settings as the home, workplace, or school. On this basis,

significant differences in mental health would not be expected between

those who succeed in one setting as opposed to another. This would be

consistent with the literature's conclusion that religiosity and mental

health are not associated, since those who do not seem to be as

religious would have other settings in which to foster sound mental

health.

 

Another explanation for the reported lack of association between

religiosity and mental health is that norms such as those used in the

MHI are based on populations whose religiosity is already comparable to

that of those being tested. This would be consistent with the fact that

religiosity measures are generally non-specific for religion. However,

the acculturation index, which is specific for the Hare Krishnas, adds

substantial scope to the usual dimensions of non-specific religiosity.

These increases in the dimensions of religiosity may have influenced the

finding that greater degrees of acculturation were significantly

associated with increased subjective well-being. Non-specific measures

may not have produced the same result.

 

In sum, the effects of acculturation or religiosity on the mental health

and personality of the Hare Krishnas studied appear in most ways

comparable to those reported for persons involved in the more

traditional religions: Associations are minimal or nil, except that

significantly greater subjective well-being is associated with greater

acculturation.

 

[1.] Trust vs. Defensiveness (T); Orderliness vs. Lack of Compulsion

(0); Social Conformity vs. Rebelliousness ©; Activity vs. Lack of

Energy (A); Emotional Stability vs. Neuroticism (S); Extraversion vs.

Introversion (E); Masculinity vs. Femininity (MI; Empathy vs.

Egocentrism (P).

 

[2.] These two groups differed significantly in acculturation from each

other and from the entire sample (N = 226).

 

TABLE 1

COMPARISON OF LOW AI AND HIGH AI HARE KRISHNA MALES

ON THE MENTAL HEALTH INVENTORY[a]

 

Low AI High AI[c]

(3.24 to 5.86) (6.34 to 6.86)

 

Mean Mean

MHI Scale SD SD

 

Mental Health Index 74.7 80.1

13.0 10.1

 

Psychological Well-Being 63.1 73.8

18.2 13.7

 

Emotional Ties 60.3 75.0

29.2 19.3

 

General Positive Affect 63.1 73.8

17.7 14.3

 

Life Satisfaction 58.8 69.3

22.9 18.8

 

 

MHI Scale t(89)[d]

 

Mental Health Index t = -2.2[*]

 

Psychological Well-Being t = -3.2[***]

 

Emotional Ties t = -2.9[***]

 

General Positive Affect t = -3.1[***]

 

Life Satisfaction t = -2.4[**]

 

[a] The Mental Health Index is hierarchically divided into two scales:

Psychological Well-Being (Anxiety, Depression, Loss of

Emotional/Behavioral Control subscales plus two items). No significant

differences were found between these groups on the scales not listed in

this Table.

 

 

n = 33.

[c] n = 58.

[d] Non-directional t-tests for independent groups.

[*] p < .05

[**] p < .02

[***] p < .01

 

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Bhaktivedanta, A. C. S. P. 1972 Bhagavad-gita as it is. New York:

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Chamberlin, K. and S. Zika 1988 Religiosity, life meaning and wellbeing:

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* 1970b Manual for the Comrey personality scales. San Diego, CA:

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* 1980 Handbook of interpretations for the Comrey personality

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~~~~~~~~

 

ARNOLD S. WEISS[*] RICHARD H. MENDOZA[*]

 

[*] Arnold S Weiss is a research and clinical psychologist at 14105

Summertime Lane, Culver City, California 90230. Richard H. Mendoza is an

associate professor at the California School of Professional Psychology,

Los Angeles, CA 90057.

[son_of_erin2000 0]

interesesting study. no openion,but still interesting.

[Malati dasi 0]

I take note of this:

 

CONCLUSIONS AND HYPOTHESES

Excluding compulsivity, Hare Krishna personality traits appear to be

invariant with degree of acculturation, except as noted, and remain

within the normal range. Yet, compulsivity may be prerequisite for

sustaining membership rather than being acquired through some process of

the movement over time. This is consistent with the finding that

acculturation is not associated with length of time in the movement. For

the cross-section studied, no evidence was found that adverse

personality traits are associated with greater acculturation into the

movement.

Mental health was not associated with differences in acculturation,

except that highly acculturated Hare Krishna men (and women to a lesser

extent) reported significantly greater well-being than did their general

population norms or lesser acculturated peers (a positivity effect).

Also, scores of the lesser acculturated group did not differ

significantly from those of MHI norm group, except on a few of the MHI

subscales where they were significantly lower.

 

The association of higher acculturation with greater mental health does

not necessarily indicate that increased religiosity benefits mental

health, or vice versa. It may simply be that those joining the movement

with greater mental health are emotionally more stable, physically

healthier, and function better interpersonally to achieve their goal of

intense religio-cultural practice, while those experiencing

psychological difficulties are less able to do so and thus remain closer

to their original culture. This hypothesis would be consistent with the

positivity effects for Hare Krishnas compared on acculturation, and may

also help explain the positivity effect relative to the MHI general

population. Those few who elect to leave the general population and

their families to seek deep immersion into the unfamiliar lifestyle of a

controversial minority undergo considerable acculturative stress and may

require the more positive emotional qualities associated with greater

mental health to surmount this difficult transition and to succeed in

this minority lifestyle. Hence, those more successful at acculturating

may have originated from that segment of the general population with

greater mental health, so that their scores may be significantly higher

than those of the MHI general population. Alternatively or concurrently,

a feedback process may occur. Those with greater mental health may be

able to fulfill better the tenets of their religion, thereby receiving

approval from authorities, peers, and self. This may increase their

feelings of self-worth and lead to still greater contrast in relative

mental health.

Another mechanism might be an increased acculturation into religion as a

therapeutic strategy that helps resolve emotional difficulties and

thereby enhances mental health. Curative features may include immersion

into a family or organizational social structure, rewards of mastery,

narcissistic mirroring, and authorities as ego ideals and parental

surrogates. The features of social involvement that usually serve mental

health are not restricted to churches and religious settings and may

occur in such settings as the home, workplace, or school. On this basis,

significant differences in mental health would not be expected between

those who succeed in one setting as opposed to another. This would be

consistent with the literature's conclusion that religiosity and mental

health are not associated, since those who do not seem to be as

religious would have other settings in which to foster sound mental

health.

Another explanation for the reported lack of association between

religiosity and mental health is that norms such as those used in the

MHI are based on populations whose religiosity is already comparable to

that of those being tested. This would be consistent with the fact that

religiosity measures are generally non-specific for religion. However,

the acculturation index, which is specific for the Hare Krishnas, adds

substantial scope to the usual dimensions of non-specific religiosity.

These increases in the dimensions of religiosity may have influenced the

finding that greater degrees of acculturation were significantly

associated with increased subjective well-being. Non-specific measures

may not have produced the same result.

 

In sum, the effects of acculturation or religiosity on the mental health

and personality of the Hare Krishnas studied appear in most ways

comparable to those reported for persons involved in the more

traditional religions: Associations are minimal or nil, except that

significantly greater subjective well-beingis associated with greater

acculturation.

 

Malati: The jury is still out! The study does not show a direct correlation that acculturation in the Hare Krishna makes one "happy". I believe there is still room for improvement within the devotee communities in the WEST for a more balanced approach to social interactions within devotees.

 

However, I take exception to this from the same study:

 

The compulsive personality trait of the Hare Krishnas as a group is

invariant with acculturation for females, but differs for males with

different degrees of acculturation (12.3% variance). One hypothesis for

this U-shaped relationship is that highly compulsive males may choose to

direct their energies into either spiritual or secular domains, which

would either increase or decrease their acculturation, respectively.

Males with the lowest drive energies would tend to be relatively low

achievers in both secular and spiritual domains. Their AIs would not be

as high as that of those whose greater compulsive energy is utilized in

religious tasks, but would be higher than that of the secularly directed

who tend to devote the least time to religion; they would thus fall in

the mid-range of AI values. The constancy of female compulsivity with

acculturation is hypothesized to arise from their primary lack of choice

to enter the secular domain, since the movement's tenets require them to

assume the traditional role of homemaker, involving them with internal

or temple activities rather than with outside commerce and work. This is

congruent with prior findings that the Hare Krishna females have CPS

personality traits similar to those of traditional American females of

the 1960s, with the notable exceptions of compulsivity and trust (Weiss

and Comrey 1987b).

Malati: I wonder what fosters this kind of environment? I lived in an ISKCON ashram in 1982 and this is one of the reasons I left, among other most important reasons , which is too long to mention here.

Radhe Radhe