Guest guest Posted February 28, 2002 Report Share Posted February 28, 2002 IN THIS POST: 1. U’wa Communiqué February 14, 2002 2. The Bush Oil-igarchy's Pipeline Protection Package by Arianna Huffington 3. SF Chronicle Editorial: Fighting for Colombian oil 4. El Tiempo: Interview with Anne Patterson, US Ambassador to Colombia 5. GX ACTION : Contact Colin Powell! Don't let U.S. Weapons Kill in Colombia! 6. AP Colombian Gov't Launches Airstrikes Feb 21 For background info on the U'wa struggle see : www.ran.org www.amazonwatch.org and www.uwacolombia.org Last week Colombia's escalating cycle of violence finally exploded with a return to full hostilities between the Colombian military and the FARC. The Bush administration has now made it clearer that US involvement in Colombia is no longer just about the War on Drugs but is overtly about protecting US oil companies and meeting US fossil fuel addiction. But who will pay the price to keep Colombia's oil pipelines running? As a sign left behind in the formerly de-militarized zone reads " The gringos give the arms. Colombia provides the dead. " For more details on the Colombia military's invasion of the rebel zone and actions you can take for peace in Colombia see #5 and #6 below. The comunique below is the U'wa response to Bush's proposed $98 million in military aid to protect Occidental's Cano Limon pipeline. As the U'wa point out this further militarization of the region will pave the way for more oil exploitation. Already in the Capcachos drillsite in the southern corner of U'wa ancestral territory the Spanish oil company Repsol-YPF has struck oil and plans to develop the site. As the series of op-eds and the translated interview with US ambassador to Colombia Anne Patterson make clear US oil interests are driving US policy in Colombia. How many more ecosystems, cultures and innocent civilians must get caught in the cross fire before we recognize that the cost of oil addiction is too high!? Peace groups around Colombia have been preparing emergency mobilizations to demand a political negotiated solution to the civil war. In Arauca, the province that contains much of the U'wa ancestral territory and is home to the 18th Brigade the Bush plan would fund, 30,000 people engaged in a mass sit-in. The protests was drawing attention to links between the 18th Brigade and paramilitaries who have escalated their killings in the region. Members of the brigade stand accused of the recent murder of a key witness to the 1998 Santo Domingo Massacre which has become an internationally recognized example of the Colombian military's endemic human rights violations. As Witness for Peace reports - on February 19th social organizations and people from Arauca protested in front of the US Embassy in Colombia. One woman let her voice rise above the crowd saying, “The oil in Arauca has been a curse for us. The only thing that it has brought us, and continues to bring us, is death and destruction.” Speak out against Bush's oil war in Colombia! Take action! (#5 below) Contact Secretary of State Colin Powell and ask him to push for a re-start to peace negotiations and to insure that U.S. weapons aren't being used as part of the offensive. Educate your community and organize to break the fossil fuel chain of destruction. For resources on fighting fossil fuel addiction by targeting Citigroup the world's largest funder of fossil fuels see : http://www.ran.org/ran_campaigns/citigroup/20h_globalwarming.html GLOBAL ECOLOGY! GLOBAL DEMOCRACY! NOW! * * * * * #1. U’wa Traditional Authorities Cubará, February 14, 2002 COMMUNIQUÉ TO THE NATIONAL AND INTERNATIONAL PUBLIC OPINION The U’wa Community represented by the U’wa Grand Council and the U’wa Traditional Authority, addresses the difficulties faced by our Sarare region that is partly Our Ancestral Territory established by our Highest Colonial Letters. We express our voice of protest and rejection before the national and international community against the actions of Armed Actors that destabilize the normal development of rural and indigenous communities and that in some way affect our way of life and integrity. The aforesaid permits our support of the mobilization, in a healthy manner, taking place in the Tame municipality of Aruaca, to make the demands made by the mobilized communities understood, since the Colombian people make most of the sacrifices in every sense of the word, and also demand the Colombian State that it must listen to the outcry of the Sarare and Arauca communities which is also the feeling of the Colombian People, our non-U’wa brothers from the outside world (Riowa). The United States is also financing Plan Colombia, the struggle against drug trafficking, which signifies the increase of violence in the department of Arauca, Boyacá and North of Santander and Our Ancestral Territory, assigning US $98 million to protect the Caño Limón Pipeline in Coveña, solely for having found oil in the Capachos 1 well without seeing that what Colombia needs is more investment in social, health, education and employment programs, so that we can live in Peace. For the U’wa People it is fundamental that the Ancestral and Traditional Territories are respected and conserved with a socio-cultural vision, since these give us our daily sustenance and maintenance of all living beings. The U’wa People and the inhabitants of the Sarare region wish to live in harmony with nature and within a tranquil space. The territories of Indigenous Peoples are territories of Peace. The government and petroleum multinationals are the first responsible for the social and environmental problem in the Arauca and base of the mountain region, and in second place are the actors of the armed conflict, for the dynamiting actions against the Oil pipeline that cause the contamination of water, pastoral areas and watershed basins of the Arauca River. These actions are affecting climatic changes and the basic sustenance of our communities. We have the right to freedom of expression and thought. But it is the actors of the conflict that drive the country into wars that have no reason to exist. At each step they leave havoc, misery, and the gravest thing is that they attack LIFE. These actions are on occasion unjustified and bring destruction to individuals who are the least implicated; which hurt the communities which have suffered and are the most needed in the Country. In addition, and taking advantage of this space, we want to reiterate one more time for public opinion, to Ecopetrol, the Colombian Government, Multinationals, and especially to Occidental of Colombia, that we will never step back from the process of territorial defense, and neither will we change our cultural principles as it is clear that cultures with principles have no price, which means that we will not permit oil exploration or development in our sacred territory, this is a position and thought that surges from our ancestral millenary law and our cultural principles. And if oil was found in the Capacho sector and they plan to export it, they are violating the rights of our ancestors and our mother earth, which belongs to all who live in This beautiful Blue planet. IN DEFENSE OF OUR CULTURAL RIGHTS, OUR MOTHER EARTH AND THE SOVEREIGNTY OF OUR ANCESTRAL TERRITORY. U’WA PEOPLE PRESENTE! * * * * * #2. The Bush Oil-igarchy's Pipeline Protection Package By Arianna Huffington With the stench of Enron growing more acrid each day, you'd think the last thing President Bush would want is to be seen toadying to another deep-pocketed energy giant. Well, you'd be wrong. In a shameless handout to a poor-little-me corporate mendicant, the president wants to spend close to $100 million to help Occidental Petroleum protect an oil pipeline unwisely built in war-torn Colombia. For years, in a seedy little deal worthy of a Graham Greene novel, the oil company has been paying the Colombian army to protect its interests, forking over $1 for every barrel of oil produced. In fact, one out of every four Colombian soldiers in the field is assigned to looking after Occidental's assets. The trouble is, they aren't doing a very good job. Colombia's guerrilla forces, which don't look too kindly on foreign multinationals in their midst, have made a habit of blowing up the pipeline. Last year alone, it was bombed 170 times and was out of commission for 266 days, putting a definite downward drag on Occidental's profits. So here comes President Bush riding to Oxy's rescue with Super Huey helicopters and U.S. Special Forces to train a Colombian Army brigade to protect the pipeline. When it comes to Social Security, Bush can't wait to privatize, but when it comes to corporate security, he can't wait to " publicatize. " After years of insisting that our military involvement in Colombia will be limited to fighting the drug trade, why has the administration suddenly decided to thrust America deeper into a 38-year civil war -- a war that took an explosive turn on Wednesday when President Andres Pastrana broke off peace talks and ordered the armed forces to retake control of the demilitarized area held by the rebels? Could it be the over $9 million that Occidental has spent on lobbying since 1996 -- much of it used to push for more and more U.S. military aid to Colombia -- and the $1.5 million the company donated to federal campaigns between 1995-2000? " It is something we have to do, " said Anne Patterson, America's ambassador to Colombia. " It is important for the future of the country, for our petroleum supplies and for the confidence of our investors. " Our investors? Since when is U.S. foreign policy a publicly traded commodity? Maybe I missed the memo, but I thought the Bush administration was all about promoting the " genius of capitalism " and foursquare against the government bailing out capitalists who make bad business decisions. (Team Bush is in danger of injuring itself if it doesn't stop patting itself on the back for " doing nothing " when a desperate Ken Lay played Dialing for Deliverance with Don Evans and Paul O'Neill). And let's face it, Occidental's decision to build an oil pipeline in a country in the midst of a bloody civil war isn't exactly the kind of boardroom brainstorm that gets taught at Wharton. Indeed, even as the pipeline was being built, it was under attack. So Oxy chairman Armand Hammer cut a deal with the rebels, paying them millions to keep the oil flowing. And now the oil-igarchy in the White House has chosen to reward this shining example of the idiocy of capitalism with a no-strings-attached corporate welfare check. Testifying before Congress last week, Secretary of State Colin Powell summed up the administration's position: " We thought a $98 million investment in Colombian brigades to help protect this pipeline is a wise one and a prudent one. What makes this pipeline unique is that it is such a major source of income. " Income for whom? It's the new, improved Powell Doctrine: " U.S. military might should never be used -- unless it helps Corporate America turn a profit. " The question is: where do we draw the bottom line in the sand? According to Ambassador Patterson, there are more than 300 additional sites with infrastructure of strategic importance to the United States in Colombia. Are we going to pay to protect all of these, too? And what about the other pipelines around the world that are " a major source of income? " Will " investing " our military to keep them up and running prove " wise and prudent " or a foreign policy nightmare? The reckless decision to elevate corporate interests above the public good in Colombia risks dragging American troops into a military quagmire. Imagine a mother getting the following notice from the Defense Department: " We regret to inform you that your son was killed in the line of duty while in Colombia. Secretary Rumsfield and Occidental Petroleum wish to extend their deepest sympathies. Please accept our condolences and a coupon for a free tank of gas. " Sound far-fetched? It is, because, on second thought, Oxy will never give taxpayers free gas in exchange for our pipeline protection subsidy. Instead, we'll pay for it three times over: on tax day, at the gas pump, and, finally, when the flag-draped coffins start being shipped home. * * * * * #3. SF CHRONICLE LEAD EDITORIAL Fighting for Colombian oil Wednesday, February 13, 2002 PUSHING DEEPER into the Colombian quagmire, President Bush is proposing a major escalation of U.S. involvement in that country's civil war. What's worse, the main reason appears to be to protect an American oil company. The administration's foreign operations budget request for 2003, presented to Congress last week, includes $538 million in aid for Colombia, $374 million of which is for the military and police. Most of this aid, as in recent years, is limited to counter-narcotics activities -- a thin fig leaf over a growing involvement in the Colombian government's war against leftist guerrillas. Now, however, the administration wants to dispose of the fig leaf altogether and get directly involved in fighting guerrillas. The budget request includes $98 million to create, train and equip a Colombian army brigade (about 2,000 soldiers) to protect a 483-mile pipeline from the Cano Limon oil fields, operated by Occidental Petroleum Corp. of Los Angeles, to the Caribbean port of Covenas. Colombia's two guerrilla armies, the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC) and the National Liberation Army (ELN), oppose foreign involvement in the nation's oil industry, and frequently bomb the pipeline. This fight over oil, like all other aspects of Colombia's 39-year civil war, is morally complicated and full of bloody abuses by all sides. To get directly involved in helping the Colombian government fight the rebels would be to repeat previous U.S. mistakes in civil wars from El Salvador to Vietnam. But for many administration hawks, who yearn to re-enact the Cold War, Colombia is a new front in the fight against communism. Much of the blame for the new policy switch goes to Otto Reich, the State Department's director of Latin America policy, whom Bush appointed during a congressional recess in December to avoid lawmakers' strong opposition. Reich and other hard-liners are working quietly to undermine the only feasible way to end the war -- the struggling, U.N.-moderated peace negotiations. The new U.S. policy reeks of corporate welfare. Cano Limon produces about 35 million barrels annually -- which, at a cost of $98 million, adds up to about $3 per barrel in subsidy to Occidental. Let Occidental pay for its own security. And let the Bush administration reposition itself as a force for peace, not war, in Colombia. * * * * * #4. The United States Will Protect its Interests in Colombia El Tiempo Interview with U.S. Ambassador to Colombia, Anne Patterson February 10, 2002 Question: As part of the United States budget for 2003, the Bush administration proposed spending US$98 million to protect the Caño Limón-Coveñas oil pipeline. Why is the United States now concerned about economic interests in Colombia? Ambassador Patterson: All of this began eight months ago, in discussions with General Fernando Tapias (Commander of the Colombian Military Forces)and members of the Colombian government. We explored different types of cooperation, and we came to the conclusion that protecting the Caño Limón-Coveñas pipeline was a crucial project. Q : Specifically, why the Caño Limón - Coveñas? Colombia lost almost US$445 million due to attacks against the pipeline last year. Furthermore, to speak frankly, after September 11, the issue of oil security has become a priority for the United States. Q : Does this mean that after September 11th, the political landscape changed and Colombia has become a more important source of oil for the United States? Yes, after Mexico and Venezuela, Colombia is the most important oil country in the region. After what happened on September 11th, the traditional oil sources for the United States (the Middle East) are less secure. Q : And what role does Latin America begin to play in this scenario? Latin America could not cover a shortage, it could not supply (us) in a crisis, but it allows a small margin to work with and avoid price speculation. Q : In the United States it is said that by investing US$98 million for Caño Limón - Coveñas, only the interests of Occidental (Petroleum Company) are being protected. Oxy is only one of the partners in the pipeline-- it has only 15%. Eighty-five percent of the resources, the earnings and the royalties that are generated are shared by (the Department of) Arauca, the municipality and the (national government). Q : Why only Caño Limón - Coveñas and not Ocensa, for example? Ocensa does not have the problems that Caño Limón - Coveñas has, where last year there were 170 guerrilla attacks. Q : Why not protect another type of infrastructure? Because we do not have the resources. Protecting a pipeline is relatively easy. It is more difficult to protect (electricity infrastructure) and water systems, which are more disperse. Q : What other types of initiatives might there be from the United States? We have offered our support to the passing of the ATPA (Andean Trade Preferences Agreement) in Congress. Furthermore, we are looking at alternatives to offer relief to cut flower producers, for example, until (ATPA) is passed. Q : Coming back to the US$98 million, will it be possible to extend the aid to anything other than oil? There are more than 300 infrastructure points that are of strategic interest for the United States in Colombia. Q : Concrete places? Yes. Q : What types of places? I cannot speak of details. Q : Does this mean that what you are doing in Caño Limón - Coveñas could be extended to other types of projects, oil or infrastructure? Yes, but we are going to wait to see how things go with this project for Caño Limón - Coveñas. Q : Some Congresspeople say that this means opening the door for the United States to participate in the counterinsurgency fight. Is this true? It’s true that this is not an anti-narcotics issue, but it is something that we must do. It’s important for the future of the country, for our oil sources and for the confidence of our investors. Q : The fact that you are moving away from the principal goal of Plan Colombia, which is anti-narcotics, causes concern… I want to be very clear here, this is different than Plan Colombia, but Plan Colombia continues. We are going to continue with its goals. We have requested more money, more than US$400 million, to sustain Plan Colombia projects. Q : The FARC demanded that Plan Colombia be discontinued. What do you say? I don’t think so, but I do not respond to stupidities spoken by terrorist groups. Q : They also requested the removal of foreign (military) advisors (from Colombia). Is this possible? No. Q : This is not negotiable? No. Q : Why provide all of the US$98 million to the 18th Brigade in Arauca, instead of creating a new (brigade)? Frankly, we have discussed this issue a great deal and we have come to the conclusion, with General Tapias and his advisors, which it is easier to strengthen a battalion that is already working in an area. We are trying to duplicate our experience with the Counter-Narcotics Brigade in Larandia (Caquetá). In the United States Congress, some Congresspeople say that this aid would be used to protect oil companies and not Colombian democracy… The pipeline represents an important percentage of the Gross National Product (GNP), and a country cannot lose a percentage of its production for a long time without it affecting its democracy. Q : Nevertheless, it continues to be military aid… If a country has an income source like Caño Limón, which loses almost US$500 million in one year, it cannot pay teachers, it cannot build health centers, nor can it pay “public forces” (Armed Forces and police), so the resources are fundamental, and furthermore, oil exports are very important for the country. Q : There is also the aid for an Anti-kidnapping Plan. How would this work? We are offering training for the GAULA (Unified Action Groups for Personal Security-joint operations between Armed Forces and the Police) and the military experts in anti-kidnapping (operations). We want to continue with the training at all levels, improve intelligence and help to establish analysis centers for the anti-kidnapping program. Q : Would you then need to request more money from Congress? There is no money, so we would need to find it. But this is not a very expensive program, between an additional US$25 and 30 million, so perhaps we could find it in other budgets without needing to go to Congress. Q : Back to the US$98 million…what kind of aid will this translate into? To begin, (it will be for) training of the 18th Brigade, which has control over this area. And then approximately US$60 million for the purchase of helicopters, communications equipment and intelligence. Q : How will the pipeline be protected? With intelligence, community action programs, and strengthening of police stations. Q : Are there a set number of stations? I believe there are between three and five, but we have not come to this depth of detail yet. Q : Will there be an increase in the number of people in the Brigade? We are working on this with General Tapias, but I think so. Q : Will this investment in Caño Limón be sufficient to give confidence to the oil companies? Ecopetrol (the Colombian State Oil Company) tells us that there is a lot of potential oil near the Caño Limón pipeline, so that if there is more security, it is possible that there could be production and it could be exported through the pipeline. Q : Specifically with Oxy, do they appear calm enough to continue in the oil field of Samoré, for example, with this initiative? I don’t know, but Oxy has spent a lot of money in this country in exploration. Q : Have any other oil companies mentioned that with this initiative they would come to Colombia? What I know comes from Ecopetrol. I can tell you that we have not had much interest from United States’ companies to invest in Colombia, in spite of the possibilities, because of the security issue. Q : With these initiatives, would the interest increase? Yes, but this is my opinion. Q : What would happen if Congress resists passing this US$98 million? They simply resist, but I believe that in spite of the big debate it will create, at the end of the day we will see it pass. Q : Where is the initiative now? We have put forth the proposal and we entered the debate. Generally we receive the final budget at the end of the year, in November. Q : So the US$98 million would be for next year? Yes. Q : What will be the strongest argument for the government to defend this proposal in the U.S. Congress? Colombia has great potential for exporting more oil to the United States, and now more than ever it is important for us to diversify our oil sources. * * * * * # 5. Global Exchange Colombia Update Feb 22 2002 http://www.globalexchange.org/colombia/ Dear Friends: The Colombian conflict took a frightening turn yesterday when the 3-year-old peace talks between the Colombian armed forces and the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC) broke down. According to news reports, Colombian aircraft launched an offensive against the Switzerland-sized rebel zone of control with more than 200 air sorties attacking some 85 sites inside the zone. The offensive threatens the resumption of an all-out war in Colombia. (See #6 below) Colombia's civil war has already taken far too many lives. US military aid to this country has only made matters worse. The collapse of the peace talks and the government offensive into areas ceded to the rebels will almost certainly deepen the already-unacceptable bloodshed. Please help us promote peace in Colombia. Send a letter to Secretary of State Colin Powell today asking him to urge the Colombian government back to the bargaining table and requesting that he investigate whether US weapons supplied under Plan Colombia were used in the offensive. You can send a fax directly to the State Department from the Global Exchange website: http://www.globalexchange.org/colombia/faxAction022102.html In modern wars, most casualties are civilians. With the breakdown of the peace talks, civilians are now in great jeopardy. The ordinary citizens of Colombia will not gain anything from an all-out war. The only winners will be the most extremist elements within the Colombian military and the guerrilla forces. The almost-certain consequence of a sudden FARC departure from the zone will be the arrival of right-wing paramilitary forces, death squads with documented ties to the Colombian military. These forces, which have killed thousands of people in recent years, including campesinos, human rights defenders, trade unionists, academics and community leaders, will likely seek to exact reprisals on civilians for suspected support of the rebels. The Colombian government must do everything it can to guarantee that this does not happen. It is important to note that recent US actions have added fuel to the fire. Increases in US military aid have certainly emboldened the most hawkish elements within the Colombian military. The abrupt shift in rhetoric by Bush Administration officials from support for counter-narcotic operations to discussing counter-insurgency efforts and urging protection of the Colombia assets of US oil companies has, in effect, given the Colombian military the green light to attack the rebel zone. We are especially concerned that weapons provided through Plan Colombia may have been used in the recent offensive and/or will be used in this deepening conflict. If this is true, it would violate US law. The Bush Administration and members of Congress should immediately undertake an investigation to ensure that no US military assistance provided through Plan Colombia are being used in this offensive, nor will they be used in any future actions. Please send a fax to Sec. Powell today, and keep visiting the GX website for news updates. En Paz, Colombia Program, Global Exchange colombia 415.255.7296 ext.228 or 800.497.1994 * * * * * #6 The Associated Press Colombian Gov't Launches Airstrikes Thu Feb 21, 5:43 PM ET By ANDREW SELSKY, Associated Press Writer SAN VICENTE DEL CAGUAN, Colombia (AP) - Military jets flew hundreds of sorties against a major rebel stronghold Thursday, bringing Colombia's 38-year civil war into a potentially bloodier phase after the peace process was abruptly halted. Bombs were falling on rebel territory just hours after President Andres Pastrana, angered by a rebel hijacking of a civilian airliner, broke off peace talks and condemned the rebel Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia, or FARC. The government ordered 13,000 troops to advance on the rebel stronghold, and three planeloads of counterinsurgency troops landed at an airport in Florencia, a three-hour drive to the west. Army officials said 85 targets were hit in the first wave of attacks on the rebel safe haven, a Switzerland-sized area that was the site of the peace negotiations. There were no immediate reports of casualties. Targets included clandestine airstrips and rebel training camps in the zone, which Pastrana ceded the area to the FARC in November 1998 in an effort to bring the 16,000-strong rebel army to the negotiating table. The rebel haven in southern Colombia is sparsely populated, with about 100,000 people. A top army commander predicted a bloody fight, but there were no signs that military troops had yet entered the zone. " It's dicey, and we will surely suffer casualties, but we have a moral obligation to win this war, " Gen. Euclides Sanchez told Caracol Radio. Residents in the rebel area's largest town, San Vicente del Caguan, posted white flags at their homes in hopes of bringing protection. " The white flags symbolize peace. We don't want anything to happen, " said homemaker Amelia de Ficaro, 68. Citizens stripped six vehicles abandoned by the rebels along a road outside town. Also left behind was a sign that referred to U.S. anti-drug aid to Colombia. " The gringos give the arms. Colombia provides the dead, " it said. Some 3,500 people are killed annually in the 38-year war. A rebel in camouflage uniform and brandishing an AK-47 rifle manned a checkpoint outside San Vicente del Caguan. " We'll keep patrolling because this is Colombia and we're all over Colombia, " he said. He waved through some journalists, wishing them " feliz viaje " - happy trip. The FARC did not comment on the offensive. Phone lines to rebel headquarters were cut shortly after Pastrana condemned a rebel hijacking of a civilian airliner on Wednesday. Guerrillas kidnapped a senator and released 29 crew and passengers. The hijacking and weeks of rebel bombings belied FARC pledges to seek a cease-fire by April. Many Colombians rallied around Pastrana, whose peace policy had been highly unpopular. " Colombia was generous with the guerrillas, but now there is no way to continue this process, " said Sabas Pretelt de la Vega, a top business leader. " We should have done this a long time ago, " said Army Cpl. Carlos Vanegas, standing guard on a highway leading to the rebel zone. " Everybody is tired, " said Samuel Dominguez, a cheese vendor in Bogota, the capital. " Now we have to accept that we are at war and confront it. Hopefully, we will win. " The United States reiterated its support for Pastrana's government. U.N. Secretary-General Kofi Annan offered his " good offices " to find a political solution and called on all forces to spare civilians. Amnesty International and Human Rights Watch urged the government to prevent right-wing paramilitaries from entering the zone and killing civilians suspected of collaborating with the rebels. U.N. peace envoy James LeMoyne, who got the two sides to agree to cease-fire talks last month, expressed concern for the safety of residents in the zone. He, too, feared paramilitaries could take advantage of the offensive to hunt down citizens. The escalation comes as Washington is considering expanding training and equipment deliveries to the Colombian military. At any given time, there are about 250 U.S. military personnel, 50 civilian employees and 100 civilian military contractors in Colombia. Sanchez said none were participating in Thursday's offensive. The U.S. government has limited its military aid to counter narcotics operations but has also labeled the FARC a terrorist organization - leaving open the possibility it could provide aid to fight the group. The George W. Bush administration has asked Congress to authorize $98 million to train and arm a Colombian army brigade to protect an oil pipeline. Colombia's war pits the FARC and a smaller rebel group, the National Liberation Army, against government troops and an outlawed aramilitary militia. Pastrana, who had staked his presidency on bringing an end to Colombia's war, insisted that the three-year effort toward making peace with the FARC had not been wasted. He said the military was stronger than it had ever been. And he said the process was proof that the FARC could not negotiate in good faith. Quote Link to comment Share on other sites More sharing options...
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