OT: LAME DUCK COULD END AT 5AM SAT MORNING- KEEP POUNDING AGAINST BAD AER BILL!!

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Permission to repost

 

IAHF List: Its 6:30 pm, the lame duck session of congress could end during

the wee hours of saturday morning, and its IMPERATIVE that we KEEP OPPOSING the

Bad AER bill (HR HR 6168, the  Dietary Supplement and Nonprescription Drug

Consumer Protection Act). At the end of this alert please see my urgent plea to

help IAHF get back to DC!!

 

HERE IS WHY ONGOING PRESSURE IS NECESSARY:

 

Senators Hatch and Harken, all the pharma dominated vitamin trade

association, as well as (so called Citizens for Health) are pushing VERY HARD to

get this

bill through. An inside source has informed us that Senator Hatch is

recovering from rotator cuff surgery, and that he's made numerous calls from his

hospital bed to Congressman Boehner in an effort to get the House Majority

Leader

to put the bill on the calendar so it can be voted on.

 

Our sources on the Hill indicate that Boehner is standing firm like the rock

of Gibralter REFUSING to budge, but there is still a chance that these oily

bastards might attempt to attach the bill as a rider to a much larger bill such

as the NIH Appropriations bill- (which is as thick as a Manhatten telephone

book).

 

Stranger things have happened in this Con-gress of WHORES & TRAITORS which

has been selling out our country worse than any congress in HISTORY. Read the

article below to get fired up, then keep calling the Hill! The Capital

Switchboard is open 24/7 and even after hours during the end of a lame duck

there are

staff in those congressional offices til the end of business which could be at

5 am tomorrow morning. So they WILL get your messages, they're constantly

relaying word to their boss as they keep their fingers on the pulse of the

people

calling in, so your calls DO matter!

 

Previously we were targetting Boehner, Hastert, and Barton. Now our inside

sources are telling us to SHIFT our focus to the RANK AND FILE in the House. So

please focus on your OWN Congressman and use the phone script below. You can

also fax it in, see http://www.house.gov to get your congressman's fax number.

 

" I want to kill  HR 6168, the  Dietary Supplement and Nonprescription Drug

Consumer Protection Act and understand that some are frustrated that Congressman

Boehner (pronounced Bayner) hasn't put it on the calendar, so some are trying

to attach it as a RIDER to the NIH REAUTHORIZATION BILL<FONT COLOR= " #000000 "

BACK= " #ffffff " style= " BACKGROUND-COLOR: #ffffff " SIZE=3 PTSI. DO NOT LET THIS

HAPPEN!! This bill badly needs a hearing. There is language in it that must be

changed. Do not pass it in the middle of the night attached to something as

thick

as the Manhatten telephone directory unless you want me to work tirelessly

against you for the rest of your career til you are driven from office. " also

use this:

 

HR 6168 MUST BE KILLED!!

 

" A large sector of the Dietary Supplement industry including Solgar,

Nutraceutical Corp, Nature's Plus, Life Extension Foundation, Wellness Resources

and

many other companies oppose HR6168 Dietary Supplement and Nonprescription Drug

Consumer Protection Act. This legislation has nothing in it to determine

causality of an Adverse event. Safe dietary supplements would be wrongly blamed

for

problems actually caused by pharmaceutical drugs taken concurrently with one

or more dietary supplements- and there would be no medical or scientific

review required by FDA before they could release the flawed " data " released by

this

witch hunt. This would be a trial lawyers dream, but its not good government

and it would do nothing to protect the public health. There must be hearings

on this legislation, and there must be changes made to its language before it

would actually serve its intended purpose. Do not ram it through on us during

the lame duck- if you do, you will enrage the millions of dietary supplements

who flooded congress with more mail during the campaign to pass DSHEA than

Congress ever received in its history on ANY issue. "

 

HERES the cool article I told you about:

 

The Worst Congress Ever

 

http://www.rollingstone.com/politics/story/12055360/cover_story_time_to_go_insid\

e_the_worst_congress_ever/print

 

How our national legislature has become a stable of thieves and perverts --

in five easy steps .

By Matt Taibbi

 

10/31/06 " Rolling Stone " -- -- There is very little that sums up the record

of the U.S. Congress in the Bush years better than a half-mad boy-addict put in

charge of a federal commission on child exploitation. After all, if a

hairy-necked, raincoat-clad freak like Rep. Mark Foley can get himself named

co-chairman of the House Caucus on Missing and Exploited Children, one can only

wonder: What the hell else is going on in the corridors of Capitol Hill these

days?

 

These past six years were more than just the most shameful, corrupt and

incompetent period in the history of the American legislative branch. These were

the years when the U.S. parliament became a historical punch line, a political

obscenity on par with the court of Nero or Caligula -- a stable of thieves and

perverts who committed crimes rolling out of bed in the morning and did their

very best to turn the mighty American empire into a debt-laden, despotic

backwater, a Burkina Faso with cable.

 

To be sure, Congress has always been a kind of muddy ideological cemetery, a

place where good ideas go to die in a maelstrom of bureaucratic hedging and

rank favor-trading. Its whole history is one long love letter to sleaze, idiocy

and pigheaded, glacial conservatism. That Congress exists mainly to misspend

our money and snore its way through even the direst political crises is

something we Americans understand instinctively. " There is no native criminal

class

except Congress, " Mark Twain said -- a joke that still provokes a laugh of

recognition a hundred years later.

 

But the 109th Congress is no mild departure from the norm, no slight

deviation in an already-underwhelming history. No, this is nothing less than a

historic shift in how our democracy is run. The Republicans who control this

Congress

are revolutionaries, and they have brought their revolutionary vision for the

House and Senate quite unpleasantly to fruition. In the past six years they

have castrated the political minority, abdicated their oversight

responsibilities mandated by the Constitution, enacted a conscious policy of

massive

borrowing and unrestrained spending, and installed a host of semipermanent

mechanisms

for transferring legislative power to commercial interests. They aimed far

lower than any other Congress has ever aimed, and they nailed their target.

 

" The 109th Congress is so bad that it makes you wonder if democracy is a

failed experiment, " says Jonathan Turley, a noted constitutional scholar and the

Shapiro Professor of Public Interest Law at George Washington Law School. " I

think that if the Framers went to Capitol Hill today, it would shake their

confidence in the system they created. Congress has become an exercise of raw

power

with no principles -- and in that environment corruption has flourished. The

Republicans in Congress decided from the outset that their future would be

inextricably tied to George Bush and his policies. It has become this sad

session

of members sitting down and drinking Kool-Aid delivered by Karl Rove.

Congress became a mere extension of the White House. "

 

The end result is a Congress that has hijacked the national treasury,

frantically ceded power to the executive, and sold off the federal government in

a

private auction. It all happened before our very eyes. In case you missed it,

here's how they did it -- in five easy steps:

 

STEP ONE RULE BY CABAL

 

If you want to get a sense of how Congress has changed under GOP control,

just cruise the basement hallways of storied congressional office buildings like

Rayburn, Longworth and Cannon. Here, in the minority offices for the various

congressional committees, you will inevitably find exactly the same character

-- a Democratic staffer in rumpled khakis staring blankly off into space,

nothing but a single lonely " Landscapes of Monticello " calendar on his wall, his

eyes wide and full of astonished, impotent rage, like a rape victim. His skin is

as white as the belly of a fish; he hasn't seen the sun in seven years.

 

It is no big scoop that the majority party in Congress has always found ways

of giving the shaft to the minority. But there is a marked difference in the

size and the length of the shaft the Republicans have given the Democrats in

the past six years. There has been a systematic effort not only to deny the

Democrats any kind of power-sharing role in creating or refining legislation but

to humiliate them publicly, show them up, pee in their faces. Washington was

once a chummy fraternity in which members of both parties golfed together,

played in the same pickup basketball games, probably even shared the same

mistresses. Now it is a one-party town -- and congressional business is

conducted

accordingly, as though the half of the country that the Democrats represent

simply

does not exist.

 

American government was not designed for one-party rule but for rule by

consensus -- so this current batch of Republicans has found a way to work around

that product design. They have scuttled both the spirit and the letter of

congressional procedure, turning the lawmaking process into a backroom deal,

with

power concentrated in the hands of a few chiefs behind the scenes. This reduces

the legislature to a Belarus-style rubber stamp, where the opposition is just

there for show, human pieces of stagecraft -- a fact the Republicans don't

even bother to conceal.

 

" I remember one incident very clearly -- I think it was 2001, " says Winslow

Wheeler, who served for twenty-two years as a Republican staffer in the Senate.

" I was working for [New Mexico Republican] Pete Domenici at the time. We were

in a Budget Committee hearing and the Democrats were debating what the final

result would be. And my boss gets up and he says, 'Why are you saying this?

You're not even going to be in the room when the decisions are made.' Just said

it right out in the open. "

 

Wheeler's very career is a symbol of a bipartisan age long passed into the

history books; he is the last staffer to have served in the offices of a

Republican and a Democrat at the same time, having once worked for both Kansas

Republican Nancy Kassebaum and Arkansas Democrat David Pryor simultaneously.

Today,

those Democratic staffers trapped in the basement laugh at the idea that such

a thing could ever happen again. These days, they consider themselves lucky if

they manage to hold a single hearing on a bill before Rove's well-oiled

legislative machine delivers it up for Bush's signature.

 

The GOP's " take that, bitch " approach to governing has been taken to the

greatest heights by the House Judiciary Committee. The committee is chaired by

the

legendary Republican monster James Sensenbrenner Jr., an ever-sweating,

fat-fingered beast who wields his gavel in a way that makes you think he might

have

used one before in some other arena, perhaps to beat prostitutes to death.

Last year, Sensenbrenner became apoplectic when Democrats who wanted to hold a

hearing on the Patriot Act invoked a little-known rule that required him to let

them have one.

 

" Naturally, he scheduled it for something like 9 a.m. on a Friday when

Congress wasn't in session, hoping that no one would show, " recalls a Democratic

staffer who attended the hearing. " But we got a pretty good turnout anyway. "

 

Sensenbrenner kept trying to gavel the hearing to a close, but Democrats

again pointed to the rules, which said they had a certain amount of time to

examine their witnesses. When they refused to stop the proceedings, the chairman

did

something unprecedented: He simply picked up his gavel and walked out.

 

" He was like a kid at the playground, " the staffer says. And just in case

anyone missed the point, Sensenbrenner shut off the lights and cut the

microphones on his way out of the room.

 

For similarly petulant moves by a committee chair, one need look no further

than the Ways and Means Committee, where Rep. Bill Thomas -- a pugnacious

Californian with an enviable ego who was caught having an affair with a

pharmaceutical lobbyist -- enjoys a reputation rivaling that of the rotund

Sensenbrenner.

The lowlight of his reign took place just before midnight on July 17th, 2003,

when Thomas dumped a " substitute " pension bill on Democrats -- one that they

had never read -- and informed them they would be voting on it the next

morning. Infuriated, Democrats stalled by demanding that the bill be read out

line

by line while they recessed to a side room to confer. But Thomas wanted to move

forward -- so he called the Capitol police to evict the Democrats.

 

Thomas is also notorious for excluding Democrats from the conference hearings

needed to iron out the differences between House and Senate versions of a

bill. According to the rules, conferences have to include at least one public,

open meeting. But in the Bush years, Republicans have managed the conference

issue with some of the most mind-blowingly juvenile behavior seen in any

parliament west of the Russian Duma after happy hour. GOP chairmen routinely

call a

meeting, bring the press in for a photo op and then promptly shut the

proceedings down. " Take a picture, wait five minutes, gavel it out -- all for

show " is

how one Democratic staffer described the process. Then, amazingly, the

Republicans sneak off to hold the real conference, forcing the Democrats to turn

amateur detective and go searching the Capitol grounds for the meeting. " More

often

than not, we're trying to figure out where the conference is, " says one House

aide.

 

In one legendary incident, Rep. Charles Rangel went searching for a secret

conference being held by Thomas. When he found the room where Republicans

closeted themselves, he knocked and knocked on the door, but no one answered. A

House aide compares the scene to the famous " Land Shark " skit from Saturday

Night

Live, with everyone hiding behind the door afraid to make a sound. " Rangel was

the land shark, I guess, " the aide jokes. But the real punch line came when

Thomas finally opened the door. " This meeting, " he informed Rangel, " is only

open to the coalition of the willing. "

 

Republican rudeness and bluster make for funny stories, but the phenomenon

has serious consequences. The collegial atmosphere that once prevailed helped

Congress form a sense of collective identity that it needed to fulfill its

constitutional role as a check on the power of the other two branches of

government. It also enabled Congress to pass legislation with a wide mandate,

legislation that had been negotiated between the leaders of both parties. For

this

reason Republican and Democratic leaders traditionally maintained cordial

relationships with each other -- the model being the collegiality between House

Speaker

Nicholas Longworth and Minority Leader John Nance Garner in the 1920s. The

two used to hold daily meetings over drinks and even rode to work together.

 

Although cooperation between the two parties has ebbed and flowed over the

years, historians note that Congress has taken strong bipartisan action in

virtually every administration. It was Sen. Harry Truman who instigated

investigations of wartime profiteering under FDR, and Republicans Howard Baker

and Lowell

Weicker Jr. played pivotal roles on the Senate Watergate Committee that

nearly led to Nixon's impeachment.

 

But those days are gone. " We haven't seen any congressional investigations

like this during the last six years, " says David Mayhew, a professor of

political science at Yale who has studied Congress for four decades. " These

days,

Congress doesn't seem to be capable of doing this sort of thing. Too much nasty

partisanship. "

 

One of the most depressing examples of one-party rule is the Patriot Act. The

measure was originally crafted in classic bipartisan fashion in the Judiciary

Committee, where it passed by a vote of thirty-six to zero, with famed

liberals like Barney Frank and Jerrold Nadler saying aye. But when the bill was

sent

to the Rules Committee, the Republicans simply chucked the approved bill and

replaced it with a new, far more repressive version, apparently written at the

direction of then-Attorney General John Ashcroft.

 

" They just rewrote the whole bill, " says Rep. James McGovern, a minority

member of the Rules Committee. " All that committee work was just for show. "

 

To ensure that Democrats can't alter any of the last-minute changes,

Republicans have overseen a monstrous increase in the number of " closed " rules

--

bills that go to the floor for a vote without any possibility of amendment. This

tactic undercuts the very essence of democracy: In a bicameral system, allowing

bills to be debated openly is the only way that the minority can have a real

impact, by offering amendments to legislation drafted by the majority.

 

In 1977, when Democrats held a majority in the House, eighty-five percent of

all bills were open to amendment. But by 1994, the last year Democrats ran the

House, that number had dropped to thirty percent -- and Republicans were

seriously pissed. " You know what the closed rule means, " Rep. Lincoln

Diaz-Balart

of Florida thundered on the House floor. " It means no discussion, no

amendments. That is profoundly undemocratic. " When Republicans took control of

the

House, they vowed to throw off the gag rules imposed by Democrats. On opening

day

of the 104th Congress, then-Rules Committee chairman Gerald Solomon announced

his intention to institute free debate on the floor. " Instead of having

seventy percent closed rules, " he declared, " we are going to have seventy

percent

open and unrestricted rules. "

 

How has Solomon fared? Of the 111 rules introduced in the first session of

this Congress, only twelve were open. Of those, eleven were appropriations

bills, which are traditionally open. That left just one open vote -- H. Res.

255,

the Federal Deposit Insurance Reform Act of 2005.

 

In the second session of this Congress? Not a single open rule, outside of

appropriation votes. Under the Republicans, amendable bills have been a genuine

Washington rarity, the upside-down eight-leafed clover of legislative

politics.

 

When bills do make it to the floor for a vote, the debate generally resembles

what one House aide calls " preordained Kabuki. " Republican leaders in the

Bush era have mastered a new congressional innovation: the one-vote victory.

Rather than seeking broad consensus, the leadership cooks up some hideously

expensive, favor-laden boondoggle and then scales it back bit by bit. Once

they're

in striking range, they send the fucker to the floor and beat in the brains of

the fence-sitters with threats and favors until enough members cave in and

pass the damn thing. It is, in essence, a legislative microcosm of the electoral

strategy that Karl Rove has employed to such devastating effect.

 

A classic example was the vote for the Central American Free Trade Agreement,

the union-smashing, free-trade monstrosity passed in 2005. As has often been

the case in the past six years, the vote was held late at night, away from the

prying eyes of the public, who might be horrified by what they see. Thanks to

such tactics, the 109th is known as the " Dracula " Congress: Twenty bills have

been brought to a vote between midnight and 7 a.m.

 

CAFTA actually went to vote early -- at 11:02 p.m. When the usual

fifteen-minute voting period expired, the nays were up, 180 to 175. Republicans

then held

the vote open for another forty-seven minutes while GOP leaders cruised the

aisles like the family elders from The Texas Chainsaw Massacre, frantically

chopping at the legs and arms of Republicans who opposed the measure. They even

roused the president out of bed to help kick ass for the vote, passing a cell

phone with Bush on the line around the House cloakroom like a bong. Rep. Robin

Hayes of North Carolina was approached by House Speaker Dennis Hastert, who

told him, " Negotiations are open. Put on the table the things that your district

and people need and we'll get them. " After receiving assurances that the

administration would help textile manufacturers in his home state by restricting

the flow of cheap Chinese imports, Hayes switched his vote to yea. CAFTA

ultimately passed by two votes at 12:03 a.m.

 

Closed rules, shipwrecked bills, secret negotiations, one-vote victories. The

result of all this is a Congress where there is little or no open debate and

virtually no votes are left to chance; all the important decisions are made in

backroom deals, and what you see on C-Span is just empty theater, the world's

most expensive trained-dolphin act. The constant here is a political strategy

of conducting congressional business with as little outside input as

possible, rejecting the essentially conservative tradition of rule-by-consensus

in

favor of a more revolutionary strategy of rule by cabal.

 

" This Congress has thrown caution to the wind, " says Turley, the

constitutional scholar. " They have developed rules that are an abuse of majority

power.

Keeping votes open by freezing the clock, barring minority senators from

negotiations on important conference issues -- it is a record that the

Republicans

should now dread. One of the concerns that Republicans have about losing

Congress is that they will have to live under the practices and rules they have

created. The abuses that served them in the majority could come back to haunt

them

in the minority. "

 

STEP TWO: WORK AS LITTLE AS POSSIBLE -- AND SCREW UP WHAT LITTLE YOU DO

 

It's Thursday evening, September 28th, and the Senate is putting the

finishing touches on the Military Commissions Act of 2006, colloquially known as

the

" torture bill. " It's a law even Stalin would admire, one that throws habeas

corpus in the trash, legalizes a vast array of savage interrogation techniques

and generally turns the president of the United States into a kind of

turbocharged Yoruba witch doctor, with nearly unlimited snatching powers. The

bill is a

fall-from-Eden moment in American history, a potentially disastrous step

toward authoritarianism -- but what is most disturbing about it, beyond the fact

that it's happening, is that the senators are hurrying to get it done.

 

In addition to ending generations of bipartisanship and instituting one-party

rule, our national legislators in the Bush years are guilty of something even

more fundamental: They suck at their jobs.

 

They don't work many days, don't pass many laws, and the few laws they're

forced to pass, they pass late. In fact, in every year that Bush has been

president, Congress has failed to pass more than three of the eleven annual

appropriations bills on time.

 

That figures into tonight's problems. At this very moment, as the torture

bill goes to a vote, there are only a few days left until the beginning of the

fiscal year -- and not one appropriations bill has been passed so far. That's

why these assholes are hurrying to bag this torture bill: They want to finish in

time to squeeze in a measly two hours of debate tonight on the

half-trillion-dollar defense-appropriations bill they've blown off until now.

The plan is to

then wrap things up tomorrow before splitting Washington for a month of real

work, i.e., campaigning.

 

Sen. Pat Leahy of Vermont comments on this rush to torture during the final,

frenzied debate. " Over 200 years of jurisprudence in this country, " Leahy

pleads, " and following an hour of debate, we get rid of it? "

 

Yawns, chatter, a few sets of rolling eyes -- yeah, whatever, Pat. An hour

later, the torture bill is law. Two hours after that, the diminutive chair of

the Defense Appropriations Subcommittee, Sen. Ted Stevens, reads off the summary

of the military-spending bill to a mostly empty hall; since the members all

need their sleep and most have left early, the " debate " on the biggest spending

bill of the year is conducted before a largely phantom audience.

 

" Mr. President, " Stevens begins, eyeing the few members present. " There are

only four days left in the fiscal year. The 2007 defense appropriations

conference report must be signed into law by the president before Saturday at

midnight. . . . "

 

Watching Ted Stevens spend half a trillion dollars is like watching a junkie

pull a belt around his biceps with his teeth. You get the sense he could do it

just as fast in the dark. When he finishes his summary -- $436 billion in

defense spending, including $70 billion for the Iraq " emergency " -- he fucks off

and leaves the hall. A few minutes later, Sen. Tom Coburn of Oklahoma -- one

of the so-called honest Republicans who has clashed with his own party's

leadership on spending issues -- appears in the hall and whines to the empty

room

about all the lavish pork projects and sheer unadulterated waste jammed into the

bill. But aside from a bored-looking John Cornyn of Texas, who is acting as

president pro tempore, and a couple of giggling, suit-clad pages, there is no

one in the hall to listen to him.

 

In the Sixties and Seventies, Congress met an average of 162 days a year. In

the Eighties and Nineties, the average went down to 139 days. This year, the

second session of the 109th Congress will set the all-time record for fewest

days worked by a U.S. Congress: ninety-three. That means that House members will

collect their $165,000 paychecks for only three months of actual work.

 

What this means is that the current Congress will not only beat but shatter

the record for laziness set by the notorious " Do-Nothing " Congress of 1948,

which met for a combined 252 days between the House and the Senate. This

Congress

-- the Do-Even-Less Congress -- met for 218 days, just over half a year,

between the House and the Senate combined.

 

And even those numbers don't come close to telling the full story. Those who

actually work on the Hill will tell you that a great many of those " workdays "

were shameless mail-ins, half-days at best. Congress has arranged things now

so that the typical workweek on the Hill begins late on Tuesday and ends just

after noon on Thursday, to give members time to go home for the four-day

weekend. This is borne out in the numbers: On nine of its " workdays " this year,

the

House held not a single vote -- meeting for less than eleven minutes. The

Senate managed to top the House's feat, pulling off three workdays this year

that

lasted less than one minute. All told, a full fifteen percent of the Senate's

workdays lasted less than four hours. Figuring for half-days, in fact, the

109th Congress probably worked almost two months less than that " Do-Nothing "

Congress.

 

Congressional laziness comes at a high price. By leaving so many

appropriations bills unpassed by the beginning of the new fiscal year, Congress

forces big

chunks of the government to rely on " continuing resolutions " for their

funding. Why is this a problem? Because under congressional rules, CRs are

funded at

the lowest of three levels: the level approved by the House, the level

approved by the Senate or the level approved from the previous year. Thanks to

wide

discrepancies between House and Senate appropriations for social programming,

CRs effectively operate as a backdoor way to slash social programs. It's also

a nice way for congressmen to get around having to pay for expensive-ass

programs they voted for, like No Child Left Behind and some of the other

terminally

underfunded boondoggles of the Bush years.

 

" The whole point of passing appropriations bills is that Congress is supposed

to make small increases in programs to account for things like the increase

in population, " says Adam Hughes, director of federal fiscal policy for OMB

Watch, a nonpartisan watchdog group. " It's their main job. " Instead, he says,

the

reliance on CRs " leaves programs underfunded. "

 

Instead of dealing with its chief constitutional duty -- approving all

government spending -- Congress devotes its time to dumb bullshit. " This

Congress

spent a week and a half debating Terri Schiavo -- it never made appropriations a

priority, " says Hughes. In fact, Congress leaves itself so little time to

pass the real appropriations bills that it winds up rolling them all into one

giant monstrosity known as an Omnibus bill and passing it with little or no

debate. Rolling eight-elevenths of all federal spending into a single bill that

hits the floor a day or two before the fiscal year ends does not leave much room

to check the fine print. " It allows a lot more leeway for fiscal

irresponsibility, " says Hughes.

 

A few years ago, when Democratic staffers in the Senate were frantically

poring over a massive Omnibus bill they had been handed the night before the

scheduled vote, they discovered a tiny provision that had not been in any of the

previous versions. The item would have given senators on the Appropriations

Committee access to the private records of any taxpayer -- essentially endowing

a

few selected hacks in the Senate with the license to snoop into the private

financial information of all Americans.

 

" We were like, 'What the hell is this?' ?says one Democratic aide familiar

with the incident. " It was the most egregious thing imaginable. It was just

lucky we caught them. "

 

STEP THREE:

LET THE PRESIDENT DO WHATEVER HE WANTS

 

Go here to read the rest of it including the 10 worst congressmen at the end.

 

http://www.rollingstone.com/politics/story/12055360/cover_story_time_to_go_insid\

e_the_worst_congress_ever/print

 

 

 

 

IAHF needs your help to get back to DC in January:

 

If we can kill the AER bill in the House during this lame duck session which

ends Friday, the bill would have to be reintroduced in the next Congress under

new bill numbers- they'd have to try again- and we will have to push very

hard for a HEARING on the bill in order to get the changes made to it that we

need.

 

The other side is pulling out all the stops to get this bill through because

it would enable the big supplement companies that could afford the red tape to

knock off the small companies that can't and the big ones would gain hugely

increased marketshare. Thank God not all big companies are against us! Please

be sure to THANK Nature's Plus, Nutraceutical, and Solgar for being in our

corner against NPA (formerly NNFA).

 

We must continue to build our base regardless of what happens on this bill.

We must ALSO push for a hearing on FDA's illegal Trilateral Cooperation Charter

with Canada/ Mexico wherein FDA is attempting to harmonize the food and drug

regs for all 3 countries as if the N.American Union already existed. We're

seeing a concerted push to DESTROY our country, and it will be destroyed, but

ONLY if we LET it!

 

See my petition and please sign it:

http://www.thepetitionsite.com/takeaction/373269232#body

 

For donations of $25 we'll send a copy of Byron Richard's book

 

FIGHT FOR YOUR HEALTH- EXPOSING THE FDA's BETRAYAL OF AMERICA

 

For $50. we'll send the book, plus Kevin Miller's documentary film " We Become

Silent " about the Codex vitamin issue.For $100. we'll send the above + an

IAHF Bumper Sticker.

 

For $200. or more we'll send the above + an autographed photo suitable for

framing of John Hammell swimming in a hole cut in the ice of a frozen pond.

 

The photo helps anyone who sees it to increase their resolve to be stronger

than any hardship you may ever face.

 

Please help us get back to DC so we can do our work!

 

IAHF 556 Boundary Bay Rd., Point Roberts WA 98281 or via paypal:

http://www.iahf.com click to enter site, see paypal link on top of scrollbar

inside the

site.

 

 

For Health Freedom, John C. Hammell, President International Advocates for

Health Freedom 556 Boundary Bay Road Point Roberts, WA 98281-8702 USA

http://www.iahf.com jham 800-333-2553 N.America 360-945-0352 World