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http://www.truthout.org/docs_2005/123105A.shtml

 

 

A

The Bush Family Coup

Sat, 31 Dec 2005 14:29:57 -0800

 

 

 

The Bush Family Coup

By James Ridgeway

The Village Voice

 

Friday 30 December 2005

 

Son revisits the sins of the father on America.

 

Washington - The 9-11 attacks provided the rationale for what

amounts to a Bush family coup against the Constitution.

 

From the outset, President George Bush used 9-11 to reorganize and

increase the federal government's reach far beyond any existing law to

delve into the lives of innocent, ordinary people. The new powers

allowed the government to arrest them at will and to subject them to

endless incarceration without judicial review. Some people were sent

abroad to be tortured for crimes they had nothing to do with. Who

knows how many people have been tortured in American jails? When

government employees within the intelligence community sought to

protest, the government fired them and made sure they could never get

another job in their areas of expertise. This extraordinary program of

spying on Americans, much of which was carried out in fishing

expeditions under the Patriot Act, has the makings of a consistent and

long-range policy to wreck constitutional government.

 

It is little wonder both left and right have come together to

fight Bush and may yet jettison the Patriot Act. Revelations of the

domestic spy operation, with its secret wiretaps, ought to supply

sufficient evidence to impeach Bush and Vice President Dick Cheney and

launch criminal prosecutions of the top federal officials involved in

carrying out the program. After all, these people are directly engaged

in overthrowing constitutional government. How did this all come about?

 

Get the Commies

 

In opening a conference on counterintelligence in March 2005,

former president George H.W. Bush, who headed the CIA from 1975 to

1977, said, " It burns me up to see the agency under fire. " Recent

criticism, Bush said, reminded him of the 1970s, when Congress

" unleashed a bunch of untutored little jerks out there " to investigate

the CIA's involvement in domestic spying, assassinations, and other

illegal activities, and subsequently passed laws to prevent abuses.

 

Bush was referring to the activities of the U.S. Senate's Select

Committee to Study Governmental Operations With Respect to

Intelligence Activities, commonly known as the Church Committee after

its chair, Idaho Democratic senator Frank Church. Among other things,

the committee's 1976 report detailed the workings of the infamous

COINTELPRO, an FBI domestic spying program on Civil Rights leaders,

anti-war groups, and anyone else who rubbed J. Edgar Hoover the wrong

way. The report also detailed illegal domestic activities by the CIA

and military intelligence. A simultaneous-and even more

contentious-investigation was carried out in the House by the Select

Committee on Intelligence, which also came to bear the name of it

chair, New York Democratic congressman Otis Pike. The Pike Report

focused on the CIA covert actions, as well as on the CIA's overall

effectiveness and its budget.

 

Within days of the 9-11 attacks, officials of Bush the younger's

administration and former intelligence chiefs were on the talk shows

denouncing the " chilling effect " of the congressional investigations

of the 1970s, and of subsequent halfhearted efforts to regulate the

work of the intelligence agencies. Paul Bremer, the future head of the

Iraq occupation, who had chaired the National Commission on Terrorism

from 1998 to 2000, said on CNN that the Church Committee did " a lot of

damage to our intelligence services. . . . And the more recent problem

was that the previous administration put into effect guidelines which

restricted the ability of CIA agents to go after . . . terrorist spies. "

 

Congress lost no time in repealing these rather toothless earlier

guidelines, along with a host of other restrictions, especially those

safeguarding the privacy of electronic communications. The Senate

passed the Combating Terrorism Act of 2001 on September 13, one of its

first actions in response to the attacks.

 

Between 1960 and 1974, the FBI conducted half a million

investigations of so-called subversives, without a single conviction,

and maintained files on well over a million Americans. The FBI tapped

phones, opened mail, planted bugs, and burglarized homes and offices.

At least 26,000 individuals were at one point catalogued on an FBI

list of persons to be rounded up in the event of a " national

emergency. " Hoover was particularly obsessed with Martin Luther King

and the civil rights movement, which he thought was influenced by

communists. The FBI proceeded to undermine the civil rights movement,

planting agents among the Freedom Riders (and also the Ku Klux Klan).

Hoover put spies into the ranks of labor activists and of Democratic

Party insurgents during the 1964 presidential campaign.

 

Meanwhile, the CIA began spying domestically. The Agency planted

informants of its own within the United States, especially on college

campuses. Between 1953 and 1973, they opened and photographed nearly a

quarter of a million first-class letters, producing an index of nearly

1.5 million names. Under something called Operation CHAOS, separate

files were created on approximately 7,200 Americans and over 100

domestic groups. In 1964, the CIA even created a secret arm called the

Domestic Operations Division, the very name of which flew in the face

of its legal charter. Back then, there were no " communications

problems " between the two agencies.

 

Raise the Wall

 

In documenting all this, the Church Committee concluded the

intelligence community had engaged in actions " which had no

conceivable rational relationship to either national security or

violent activity. " The report of the House's Pike Committee documented

a history of CIA covert actions, as well as notable intelligence

failures. As a result the CIA got out of domestic spying and the FBI

supposedly pulled back from its orgy of homeland snooping. Some rather

modest oversight was applied, the most important of which led to the

creation of the " the wall. " This refers to application of the Foreign

Intelligence Surveillance Act (FISA). FISA was enacted in 1978, in the

wake of the congressional investigations, as a compromise that would

allow the FBI and other domestic law enforcement to carry out

counterintelligence operations while putting some sort of restraints

on COINTELPRO-type abuses. Under FISA, the FBI could continue to do

things like conduct searches and tap phones without traditional search

warrants and without probable cause, as long as agents were targeting

terrorists, spies, or other purported enemies of the United States,

and as long as they got permission from a secret FISA court.

 

There was concern from the start that FISA would be used to

circumvent the Fourth Amendment in routine criminal cases. So FISA

dictated that these warrantless searches and surveillance could be

conducted only for counterintelligence purposes, and not for regular

criminal investigations. However, if a FISA search happened to turn up

evidence of a crime, this information could be handed over to law

enforcement. According to a joint inquiry conducted in 2002 by the

Senate and House Select Committees on Intelligence, " the Intelligence

Community agencies, perhaps overly 'risk-averse' in dealing with

FISA-related matters, restricted the use of information far beyond

what was required. The majority of FBI personnel interviewed . . .

incorrectly believed that the FBI could not share FISA-derived

information with criminal investigators at all or that an impossibly

high standard had to be met before the information could be shared.

Most did not know [it] could be shared with criminal investigators if

it was simply relevant to the criminal investigation. "

 

And anyway, the FBI never stopped its domestic spying. During the

'80s and '90s the FBI spied on and/or infiltrated peace and solidarity

groups engaged in protesting U.S. involvement in the wars of Central

America, put agents into Earth First, and went after the far right,

again trying to plant agents and turn participants into informants.

The shooting at Ruby Ridge and the raid in Waco galvanized not just

the right but the heartland against the Bureau. At Ruby Ridge, it was

an FBI sniper killing a mother with a baby in her arms. At Waco it was

a monstrous assault on a religious enclave. And the Bureau's handling

of the Oklahoma City bombing in 1995-with botched lab work and lost

documents-to this day fuels the controversy over the government's role

in that catastrophe. Recent evidence suggests a federal agent may have

penetrated the gang that conducted the bombing. The informant told her

superior, who sat on the information until long after the bombing.

 

Install Big Brother

 

The failures of the FBI and CIA in 9-11 were not because of any

wall. These agencies failed because they weren't doing their jobs

right. The congressional investigation found the CIA couldn't

penetrate al Qaeda-an especially odd claim since we had helped to

create and finance al Qaeda as an instrument to win the war against

the Soviets in Afghanistan in the 1980s. John Walker Lindh and other

Americans walked right into al Qaeda and were greeted by its high

officials. How come the CIA couldn't do the same? No wall kept the CIA

from getting Osama bin Laden. They just couldn't find him. As for how

the hijackers got into the U.S., it's hardly a mystery. An FBI

informant among the Muslim community in San Diego socialized with two

hijackers and rented a room to one of them. When Congress tried to

figure out how this happened, the Bureau covered it up, refusing to

allow the informant to testify. Again, there was no wall here-just

plain incompetence made worse by a deliberate cover-up. The FBI

reportedly was informed in April 2001 by a longtime reliable asset of

an impending attack using airliners as missiles. It did nothing. An

operation known as Able Danger reportedly turned up information on and

tracked hijacker Mohammad Atta as far back as 1998, but the Pentagon

wouldn't tell the FBI what it knew. Even now, the Bush administration

is fighting to prevent the Able Danger officials from testifying

before Congress about what they knew and when they knew it. When it

comes to intelligence, the only thing worse than the FBI's record is

the CIA's.

 

Given all that's happened, the only explanation for the Bush

domestic spying is that it's political. There are no crimes involved

here. But there is an over weaning desire by this so-called

conservative government to establish and institutionalize a Big

Brother regime that tolerates no dissent and wrecks constitutional

government.

 

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