[]White House Linked to Vote Switching Software

[Guest guest]

http://www.onlinejournal.com/Special_Reports/120604Madsen/120604madsen.html

 

 

See also : http://bradblogtoo.blogspot.com

(This man broke the story, Brad Friedman)

http://www.bradblog.com/

 

Also, see http://www.blackboxvoting.org/

 

Another Florida investigator was found dead “of

suicide”

According to the programmer, Clint Curtis, who came

forward, any programmer seeing the vote changing code

he wrote could easily spot it. He thought it would

never be used because it is so easy to spot Later he

learned that nobody is being allowed to see the

code,the the voting machine company calling it

proprietary information. According to Curtis, once the

vote is flipped with this code, there is no trace of

a vote change. See above blogspot for the man who

broke the story.

 

Texas to Florida: White House-linked clandestine

operation paid for " vote switching " software

 

By Wayne Madsen

Online Journal Contributing Writer

 

December 6, 2004—The manipulation of computer voting

machines in the recent presidential election and the

funding of programmers who were involved in the

operation are tied to an intricate web of shady

off-shore financial trusts and companies, shady

espionage operatives, Republican Party politicians

close to the Bush family, and National Aeronautics and

Space Administration (NASA) contract vehicles.

 

An exhaustive investigation has turned up a link

between current Florida Republican Representative Tom

Feeney, a customized Windows-based program to suppress

Democratic votes on touch screen voting machines, a

Florida computer services company with whom Feeney

worked as a general counsel and registered lobbyist

while he was Speaker of the Florida House of

Representatives, and top level officials of the Bush

administration.

 

According to a notarized affidavit signed by Clint

Curtis, while he was employed by the NASA Kennedy

Space Center contractor, Yang Enterprises, Inc.,

during 2000, Feeney solicited him to write a program

to " control the vote. " At the time, Curtis was of the

opinion that the program was to be used for preventing

fraud in the in the 2002 election in Palm Beach

County, Florida. His mind was changed, however, when

the true intentions of Feeney became clear: the

computer program was going to be used to suppress the

Democratic vote in counties with large Democratic

registrations.

 

According to Curtis, Feeney and other top brass at

Yang Enterprises, a company located in a three-story

building in Oviedo, Florida, wanted the prototype

written in Visual Basic 5 (VB.5) in Microsoft Windows

and the end-product designed to be portable across

different Unix-based vote tabulation systems and to be

" undetectable " to voters and election supervisors.

 

Yang, an engineering and computer services company

subcontracted to NASA prime contractors like Lockheed

Martin, was founded in 1986 by Dr. Tyng-Lin (Tim)

Yang. Granted minority-owned " Section 8A " and

woman-owned preferential status by the U.S.

government, Yang's clients also include the Florida

Department of Transportation (DOT). Yang's President,

Li-Woan (Lee) Yang, is Tim Yang's wife. Feeney was the

registered agent for another Yang company, Y & H

Greens, Inc., a company that was dissolved in 1988 and

operated from the Yangs' residence on Merritt Island.

The Yangs also serve as co-trustees for an entity

called Yang of Merritt Island, Ltd., founded on

January 31, 2000, and also run from their residence.

 

In the autumn of 1999, Curtis, who served as a sort of

technology adviser for Yang, first became aware of

Feeney's interest in election rigging. Curtis said at

one meeting, Feeney " bragged that he could reduce the

minority vote and deliver the election to 'George.' "

At the same meeting, according to Curtis, Feeney said

he had " implemented a list that would eliminate

thousands of voters that would vote for Democratic

candidates " and that " a proper placement of police

patrols could further reduce the black vote by as much

as 25 percent. "

 

Feeney's desire to manipulate the vote would be

manifested in his home base of Volusia County in the

2000 presidential election. According to The

Washington Post, at 10 p.m. on election night, Al Gore

was leading Bush inVolusia County by 83,000 to 62,000

votes

One-half hour later, Gore's vote total had been

reduced by 16,000 to 67,000 and an obscure Socialist

candidate saw a sudden surge to 10,000 votes in a

precinct with only 600 voters. The information on the

Volusia optical scanner voting anomalies came from a

leaked internal Diebold memorandum. In the end, Bush

won Florida and the White House by a mere 537 votes in

the most controversial U.S. presidential election in

history.

 

Feeney had long been a voice in Florida GOP politics.

He was gubernatorial candidate Jeb Bush's running mate

in 1994, a race in which Democratic incumbent Lawton

Chiles defeated Bush. Chiles once referred to Feeney

as " the David Duke of Florida politics. "

 

 

In 2002, Feeney asked Curtis if he could develop a

touch screen voting machine " flip flop " program.

According to Curtis, Feeney asked him, " Can you write

a program to flip votes around on touch screen

machines? " Curtis said Feeney wanted the program to

merely reduce votes in heavily Democratic areas and

flip Republican votes to 51 percent and keep Democrat

votes to 49 percent. Curtis added that Feeney " did not

want to win by a lot. " In return, Curtis said Feeney

offered him " big jobs. " Curtis's main tasks at Yang

were to develop the Florida DOT's Electronic Document

Management System. He also worked on the Project

Pipeline Information System at another one of Yang's

major clients, Exxon Mobil's Coral Gables facility.

 

Curtis said he developed the voting program and

eventually handed off his prototype to Feeney. The

program was also reviewed by Curtis's senior coder,

Hai Lin (Henry) Nee, who according to Florida

Department of Transportation sources, was an illegal

alien working in the United States. According Curtis,

not only did Nee review the vote switching program

code but he constantly downloaded sensitive data to

his computer from NASA's computers. Nee, according to

Curtis, moonlighted at an Orlando company called Azure

Systems, described by The Orlando Sentinel as a " three

person engineering firm " and one of a number of

companies linked to Ting Ih-Hsu, a former Lockheed

Martin employee. At the same time Nee was reviewing

Yang's vote switching program, he was also being

investigated by U.S. federal investigators for

illegally shipping Hellfire missile parts to China.

Oddly, although U.S. law enforcement agents had put

Nee and his associates under surveillance for illegal

exports of technology to China in 1999, he and his

colleagues were not arrested until March of this year.

 

Curtis claimed that Yang's corporate bosses stressed

that the company had " unlimited " sources of money that

came " mostly " from China. According to Florida DOT

employees, House Speaker Feeney pressured their agency

to give money to Yang for nonexistent software. The

sources also revealed that Feeney was aware that Yang

was employing a number of illegal aliens on State of

Florida and federal contracts.

 

Feeney's ties to Yang paralleled similar close ties to

NASA. Feeney's wife Ellen has worked as an engineer

for NASA's Kennedy Space Center since 1985. Jeb Bush

ensured that Florida's 24th Congressional District was

redrawn so that Feeney would have an easy time in his

2002 race against Democratic opponent Harry Jacobs.

According to Florida state officials, who spoke on the

condition anonymity, 500 Yang employees at the Kennedy

Space Center were paid for their time when they agreed

to picket against Jacobs. In addition, NASA

administrator Sean O'Keefe, according to the same

sources, lobbied extensively for Feeney within NASA.

In addition, O'Keefe and his close friend and former

Pentagon boss, Vice President Dick Cheney, made

campaign appearances for Feeney at the Kennedy Space

Center.

 

Feeney's close ties to Jeb Bush and Cheney paid off.

In 2002, he was elected to the U.S. House of

Representatives in a race that also saw the

re-election of Jeb Bush. Early in " vote switch's "

development stages, Feeney had told Curtis that he

wanted the program " made to control Palm Beach " in

2002. Palm Beach County's Election Supervisor was

still the controversial Theresa LePore, nicknamed

" Madam Butterfly, " who designed the infamous

" butterfly ballots " in the 2000 election. LePore had

once been an employee of Saudi multi-billionaire Adnan

Khashoggi, a Saudi link that is tied to a huge

multi-billion tranche of money distributed throughout

off-shore trusts, accounts, and corporations with

interlocking directorships that are controlled by Bush

interests in Houston. It was this Bush-controlled

money cache, originating in the East, and known in

Houston by the name " Five Star " and other cryptonyms

that was, according to U.S. intelligence insiders,

used to fund the rigging of the 2004 election.

 

When he arrived in Congress, Feeney was given a seat

on the House Science and Technology Committee, which

oversees NASA's operations. Feeney was also appointed

to the important House Finance and Judiciary

Committees. He was also given a clean bill of ethical

health by Florida's Ethics Commission, a panel that

has a Republican majority.

 

After Feeney's ascension to Congress, Yang's

questionable billing activities with its Florida DOT

contract came to the attention of Ray C. Lemme, a

seasoned senior investigator with the Florida DOT

Inspector General's Office and a combat veteran of the

Vietnam War. Lemme had a lot of evidence to suspect

that Yang was overbilling the DOT for " millions. "

After discovering Yang's dirty laundry, Curtis went to

work for the DOT. Mavis Georgalis, the DOT's

contracting officer for the Yang contract, was also

aware of improprieties with the contract. As a result

of pressure from the Florida State House, both Curtis

and Georgalis were eventually fired by the DOT because

of their complaints about the Yang contract. Someone

was obviously trying to send Curtis a message when, on

August 14, 2002, he discovered that someone poisoned

his pet Pomeranian dog, Emily. Lemme was forced to

stop his official investigation of Yang for similar

reasons. However, he decided to continue an

" unofficial " investigation of Yang and its practices

on the side. It was a fateful decision.

 

According to DOT employees familiar with the Yang

case, Lemme was aware that it was Jeb Bush who

personally shut down his investigation of Yang. Lemme

also leaked details concerning his investigation to

the Daytona Beach News Journal. The investigator had

previously requested a full audit of the Yang contract

with the DOT, a request that was denied. Lemme also

became aware of something else outside the framework

of the DOT contract—that Yang had been involved in

producing a prototype vote switching program for use

with touch screen voting machines and that Tom Feeney

was in on the scam. The last time Clint Curtis spoke

to Lemme, he remembers the silver haired investigator

excited about where his case was leading. Lemme told

Curtis that the cover up of Yang was coming from " as

high up as I could imagine " and that he had " proof "

that was " shocking. "

 

On Sunday, June 29, 2003, evidence indicates that

Lemme drove from Tallahassee to Valdosta, Georgia, the

home of Moody Air Force Base. A motel receipt

indicated that Lemme checked in at the Knight's Inn

off Interstate 75 at 6:49 p.m. Lemme's wife said that

her husband left home for work on Monday, June 30, at

5:15 a.m., an hour earlier than usual. According to a

Leon County Sheriff's report, Lemme's wife said she

received a voice message after she returned home at

6:45 p.m. on Monday. The message was from her

husband's supervisor, Bob Clift, who informed her that

earlier in the day, at 6:15 a.m., Lemme called into

work, left a message, and said he would not be coming

to work that day. Clift said he was checking up on Ray

Lemme. Mrs. Lemme called Clift and told him that her

husband was not at home. Mrs. Lemme told police that

her husband was working on a " big case. " Mrs. Lemme

filed a missing person report with the Leon County,

Sheriff's Office. Clift later determined that Ray

Lemme made his earlier call to work at 6:15 a.m., one

hour after he supposedly left his home for work, from

a pay phone at the junction of Interstate 10 and

Highway 1 in Jefferson County, Florida. Shortly after

11:00 a.m. on Tuesday, July 1, the maid assigned to

clean Lemme's room—132—received no answer when she

knocked. The door was locked. There was no response

when the maid called the room's telephone. The hotel

manager then called the police.

 

The following is from the Valdosta Police Detective

Report filed by Detective Craig Spencer and dated July

1, 2003: " On July 1, 2003 at approximately 1330 hours,

I received a page advising me to be en route to

Knights Inn at 2110 West Hill Avenue in reference to

an unattended death. " When Spencer and other police

officers and detectives arrived at the motel, the

manager told them that the occupant of Room 132, Ray

Lemme, was to have checked out by 11a.m. The officers

yelled through the slightly ajar door but received no

answer and they discovered the upper swing latch was

locked. The officers used a special tool provided by

the motel to open the swing latch lock. Spencer said

that one of the officers entered the room and found a

suicide note and then proceeded to the bathroom where

Lemme was found dead in the bathtub. Police also

discovered that the inside of Lemmes's left elbow—the

cubital tunnel—was slashed. There were spurts of blood

on the wall but no blood found on the floor. A belt

possibly used as a tourniquet and a double- edged

straight razor blade were found on the side of the

tub. A bath towel was unfolded and neatly placed on

the floor next to the tub.

 

Later on July 1, the Georgia Bureau of Investigation

Crime Laboratory in Moultrie informed the Valdosta

Police that based on the " suicide " details, no autopsy

would be performed on Lemme. Unlike Florida, Georgia

does not perform mandatory autopsies. A doctor, with

25 years' clinical experience, who was interviewed for

this story claimed that the circumstances of Lemme's

death appeared to him to be a classic " mob hit. " If

the Leon County Sheriff missing person report is to be

believed, it is clear that someone other than Lemme

checked into the Valdosta motel on Sunday evening

using his name. Clearly, the Leon County Sheriff's

report contains a number of details that directly

conflict with facts found in the Valdosta Police

report. In addition, the Lowndes County, Georgia,

Coroner's report fails to indicate an estimated time

of death based on a full medical examination—it

surmised that the time of death was the same time as

indicated on the suicide note: 8:10 a.m. on July 1.

 

An empty manila folder and a blank legal pad notebook

were found on the hotel room's desk along with an

undated and unsigned suicide note written on lined

paper, which lacked any identifiable fingerprints,

from Lemme's day planner. The note merely contained

the time 8:10 a.m. with the following notation: " I

love my family (family underlined once) with all my

heart. I am sorry. I am depressed and in pain. Mary

Ann (Lemme's wife), I love you. " ( " I love you "

underlined twice). It was certainly not indicative of

a person who was ecstatic that he was finally going to

nail a long investigation that involved vote rigging,

overbilling, and fraud abetted by the very top

political leadership in Tallahassee. Interestingly,

the last number on Lemme's pager (an 850 960-XXXX)

ended with the number " 911. " It is also interesting

that Lemme's watch, when discovered by the police, was

stopped at 12:34 p.m. on June 30–a possible indication

that Lemme was trying to convey the time of a possible

in extremis situation. Also, Lemme's Florida driver's

license was in his room while his wallet was in the

glove box of his car, which was parked in front of the

room. Two motel receipts were found in Lemme's room by

the police. One was a check-in receipt dated June 29

and timed at 6:44 p.m. The other was a receipt,

without a notation of check-in or check-out, dated

June 30 and timed at 6:54 a.m. A witness told police

that Lemme's car was parked in front of his room on

the afternoon of June 30.

 

Sergeant Eugene Bell of the Valdosta Police Department

interviewed a 39-year old female guest who was staying

in Room 236 over the weekend. She and her daughter

noticed three men standing in the parking lot across

from Lemme's room at 8 a.m. on the morning of July 1.

The behavior of the men made the guest suspicious

enough that the woman initially believed the men were

engaged in a drug deal. According to the police

report, the camera used to photograph the crime scene

was later discovered to have a defect in the flash

memory card. The defect resulted in no usable

photographs being submitted with the official police

report.

 

Lemme was no stranger to Florida politics. His wife,

Mary Ann, worked as a secretary for Martha Walters

Barnett, a partner with the politically-connected

Holland & Knight law firm in Tallahassee, where she

specializes in campaign finance and election law and

government contracts. Another Holland & Knight

partner, Ginny Myrick, was appointed by Jeb Bush as

the vice chair of the Florida Community Trust, a state

land acquisition and grant program. Although

officially a bipartisan law firm, even Democrats

working for Holland & Knight largely support Jeb Bush.

In addition, Bill McBride, Bush's Democratic opponent

in the 2002 gubernatorial race and a Holland & Knight

partner who had defeated former Attorney General Janet

Reno in the Democratic primary amid reports of voting

irregularities from around the state, commented that

his race against Bush " may be the Democrats' race to

lose. "

 

The NASA connection to the money trail that is linked

to the development of the vote switching program is of

particular note. When the first sketchy details of the

vote switching operation emerged, a Houston-controlled

money tranche associated with an offshore entity

called Five Star Trust, registered in the Isle of Man,

was reported by high-level intelligence sources

familiar with past Bush-related covert activities to

be behind the operation. Five Star has been connected

by these informed sources to have originated in 1983,

when deposed Philippine dictator Ferdinand Marcos,

Saudi billionaire Adnan Khashoggi, and then-Vice

President George H. W. Bush were allegedly looking for

a repository for an estimated $3 billion in looted

Philippine gold and gems. Since that time, Five Star's

accounts are said to funnel more funds from Saudi

Arabia as well as cash reserves hidden away in

offshore artificial shells by Enron before it

collapsed. What is not yet certain is whether Sean

O'Keefe, the NASA administrator and close Cheney

friend who supported Feeney's and Yang's activities in

Florida, facilitated the transfer of Five Star funds

from Houston to Cape Canaveral using contract vehicles

of both the Johnson and Kennedy Space Centers to

disburse the funds to the principal players. A NASA

insider in Texas said he has long suspected large

amounts of money have been moved into the United

States and that these transfers involved NASA and

Saudi and Chinese money sources.

 

There is additional information that the election

rigging principals connected to the State of Florida

and Jeb Bush may have also tried to use contractors

tied closely to state contracts to parlay the touch

screen software into Maine, which has proportional

distribution of its electoral votes by congressional

district, and Ohio, the key state in 2004. The

information was provided by insiders in Tallahassee

who are close to offices involved in procurement by

the state government.

 

Sources close to U.S. intelligence pointed to a $29.6

million check supposedly issued on October 22, 2004,

by Laurentian Bank in Montreal, Canada, that was

rumored by intelligence circles to have been used to

pay for the technicians who developed the software to

rig the election. The computer voting machine

technicians and maintenance personnel involved with

the rigging were reported to have included Russians,

Mexicans, and Brazilians.

 

According to Laurentian Bank, the check, a U.S. dollar

" money order, " is a bogus instrument tied to Nigerian

scamming activities. Laurentian Bank said that a U.S.

dollar money order would never be for amounts over

$1,000 and any higher amount would be in the form of a

bank draft that would require the signature of two

senior bank officers. In addition, the bank would

never use a cell phone number (514-588-5569) on their

checks. The payer on the " check, " Equity Financial

Trust of Toronto, is said by the Canadian Fraud Office

to be involved with Nigerian scammers. In fact, the

Canadian Office of the Superintendent of Financial

Institutions reports that Equity Financial Trust,

Toronto, Ontario " may be violating provisions of the

Bank Act (Canada) or other Canadian financial

institution regulations " and " may also be conducting

unauthorized banking transactions in the United

States. "

The payee on the " check, " Five Star Investments, Ltd.,

once registered on the Isle of Man, is a Lexington,

Kentucky-based entity tied to Marion " J.R. " Horn,

convicted in 2002 by Judge Joseph M. Hood of the U.S.

District Court for Eastern Kentucky for wire fraud. He

was also ordered to serve time in Butner Federal

Penitentiary, North Carolina for a " mental study. " He

eventually served an unusually light 18-month sentence

while on parole for another fraud case. When

interviewed by a researcher for this article, Horn

expressed surprise that the check his lawyer in Nassau

was waiting to clear a bank in New York, was, in fact,

a fake. According to CIA documents obtained from the

U.S. District Court for the District of Columbia, Five

Star Trust may have, in fact, had a past relationship

with Horn. According to Offshorebusiness.com, Five

Star Trust has been linked with an " illegal " bank.

 

The connection of Enron money and Nigerian scammers to

Five Star is intriguing because of a September 23,

2004, Houston Chronicle report that said Enron was

involved in an off-the-books deal to invest in

Nigerian power generation barges. Tina Trinkle, a

former Merrill Lynch banker, said she was asked not to

do the normal background checks for such a business

deal.

 

A former Justice Department prosecutor who

investigated the Bank of Credit and Commerce

International (BCCI) said that the bogus check and

those responsible for it are typical " feints " used to

mask actual clandestine money movements from law

enforcement investigators. In addition, the former

prosecutor said the purported check lacked the

necessary SWIFT codes in the numbers found at the

bottom of the check to facilitate the movement of

money through international financial networks. He

said that in his experience as a prosecutor, the name

" Five Star Trust " came up in relation to the covert

activities of the Nugan Hand Bank, a CIA-connected

activity that was involved in covert activities in

Australia and South East Asia.

 

Five Star entities, active and dissolved, have been

discovered in the Isle of Man, the island of Nevis,

the Bahamas, Florida, Kentucky, and Texas. Other Five

Star-related entities stored large sums of money in

the Cook Islands, according to U.S. intelligence

sources, and these funds were directly linked to

Khashoggi and BCCI. Khashoggi also approached top

Nigerian leaders in 1982 to set up a company there

that would deal exclusively in minerals. According to

knowledgeable insiders, Khashoggi used a company

called Triad to hammer out lucrative international

deals on precious minerals. In 1994, Five Star

Investments, Ltd., the entity tied to Horn, attempted

to buy International Standards Group ISG), Ltd., a

consulting company based in Boca Raton, Florida.

According to the Palm Beach Post, Horn was the person

who proposed the acquisition. ISG was also the target

of a bid by UMI, Inc., a mortgage banker based in

Coral Gables, Florida. The Palm Beach Post was never

able to determine the source of UMI's cash.

 

Phony checks are not the only telltale signs

associated with some of the various Five Star

entities. Another bogus document, a bogus UN customs

declaration for a shipment to a " Counter Terrorist

Unit " in Lagos, Nigeria, was also obtained in the

investigation of this story.

 

Horn has had a running battle with the CIA over

allegations that he is owed money for his past

activities on behalf of the agency. Although Horn has

produced a number of dubious documents to support his

claims, one of the names mentioned in documents filed

in U.S. court in Washington, DC is that of E. Warren

Goss, an actual attorney in Boulder, Colorado. It has

not been established if E. Warren Goss has any family

connection to Porter Goss, the current CIA director.

 

In a September 17, 2003, declaration by Marilyn A.

Dorn, Information Review Officer in the Directorate of

Operations at the CIA, in response to Horn's Freedom

of Information Act request, it was determined that the

agency had no records containing the names " Five Star

Trust " or a reported subsidiary, " U.S. Mortgage and

Trust (Bahamas). " Dorn reported that no records

containing references to either entity were discovered

but that two documents, cables— " field traffic

consisting of one and a half pages and eight partial

lines of message text, respectively, dating from the

early 1980s " —were responsive to Horn's request. It is

interesting that the CIA admits the time frame because

the genesis of Five Star Trust was 1983, when,

according to U.S. intelligence insiders, then-Vice

President Bush authorized a Boeing 747 with a special

" carriage " to airlift several tons of gold bars from

Clark Air Force base in the Philippines to LaGuardia

Airport in New York.

 

The gold bars were then transported to the

International Diamond Exchange Vaults near Rockefeller

Center. A CIA proprietary firm called Oceaneering

International of Houston was reportedly involved in

airlifting some of the gold from the Philippines, in

addition to sealifting the remainder to Oregon. After

George W. Bush's victory in 2000, the last of the gold

in New York was moved to UBS Bank in Zurich. Marcos

and Khashoggi set about to create Five Star Trust in

1983 as a means to create a vehicle to use the

Philippine wealth to create and funnel fungible

assets. In 1989, Five Star Trust was officially

established in the Isle of Man by a Houston-based

attorney who was a close friend of the Bush family.

 

The CIA's explanation of its decision to withhold the

release the two cables was partly based on the use of

cryptonyms–artificial words used as substitutes for

the actual name or identity of a " person,

organization, or project. " The CIA statement

continues: " when obtained and matched with other

information, a cryptonym possesses a great deal of

meaning for those who are able to fit it into the

proper cognitive framework. " The denial of Horn's FOIA

request also stated that the two responsive documents

could " reveal the existence or location of covert CIA

field installations in multiple foreign countries. " In

addition, the CIA stated that release of the documents

in question would " reveal specific and sensitive

subjects in which the CIA is or was interested. "

Finally, disclosure of the requested documents was

denied because of " foreign relations. " The agency

emphasized that, " in carrying out its legally

authorized intelligence activities, the CIA engages in

activities that if known by foreign nations, could

reasonably be expected to cause serious damage to U.S.

relations with affected or interested nations. "

 

The story of this corruption is nothing new. What is

new is the purpose. The use of this old and covert

tranche of money for a special Bush operation to deny

the American people their right to a free and fair

vote was not the typical illegal sale of arms to a

terrorist nation, the overthrow of a foreign

government, or the payment of bribes to foreign

potentates. It was a high crime in every

constitutional sense. The target was the American

political system and not just in 2004 but also in

2003, 2002, and 2000. The scandal goes right up to the

White House and the Governor's Mansion in Tallahassee.

It involves an extremely crooked Florida national

politician and other Florida state government

officials. And, as with all modern American political

scandals, we have at least one dead body, a number of

whistleblowers and anonymous " Deep Throats, " powerful

but corrupt politicians, counterfeit and real

documents, con men, and a money trail tied to

off-shore foreign bank accounts.

 

People may wonder why a group of intelligence insiders

would come forward to a non-major media outlet with

such tantalizing information at this time. The

corporate-beholden media cannot be trusted to report

such a news story. A common theme from all the

intelligence and ex-intelligence officials with whom I

have communicated is that George W. Bush made a major

mistake in attacking and purging the clandestine

service of the CIA. The " agency, " which extends far

beyond the confines of Langley, Virginia, is having

its revenge. It has willingly exposed a portion of a

traditional clandestine CIA money route to expose the

vote scam that was used to ensure Bush's election.

 

The clues, for example, the bogus check, were conveyed

to us as exactly that—clues. Those markers pointed to

the illegal nature of the covert money flows. The

connections between NASA contracts, Texas, and Florida

were additional clues to one of the major sources of

the money used for the vote rigging. There were a

number of roads that led to the same destination. But

that is the nature of covert intelligence. Some

patriotic and brave people, who have served in silence

for a number of decades, have chosen their country

over a corrupt family and administration. It is now

time for the constitutional process to begin.

Rectification of the criminal conspiracy that denied

John Kerry and John Edwards the White House must begin

in Ohio, and extend to Florida, California, Texas,

Georgia, and other states where votes were flipped by

computers from the Kerry to the Bush column. Past

elections must also be investigated and those who were

done in by this fraud, namely, people like Max

Cleland, Gray Davis, Al Gore, and others must also

have their day in court.

 

Wayne Madsen is a Washington, DC-based investigative

journalist and syndicated columnist. He is the author

of " Jaded Tasks: Big Oil, Black Ops & Brass Plates. "

 

 

 

 

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