Guest guest Posted June 18, 2005 Report Share Posted June 18, 2005 http://observer.guardian.co.uk/drugs/story/0,11908,686438,00.html Boom or bust? Attitudes towards drugs have relaxed in the past decade, but is this liberation or defeatism? Mark Kohn Sunday April 21, 2002 The Observer Britain has never felt so comfortable with its drugs even as they continue to disturb, to dismay and to shock. This becomes clearer with every line drawn in the legal sand, every tragedy publicly shared, every celebrity exposed, every time a gun is fired and drugs are blamed. Many Britons probably continue to regard illegal drugs as sinister and fundamentally wrong. In these basic respects, attitudes may not have changed much in the 15 to 20 years since drugs began to be treated as a national problem. But the atmosphere today is different. Despite the headlines, the air of panic has been dispelled. Many Britons may not like drugs; some detest them. But we all accept that we have to live with them. At first, the more people saw or heard about drugs, the more alarmed they became. Now, each new report or incident in the street underlines the truth that drugs are here to stay. People are getting used to drugs, and slowly getting the measure of them. When parents read of a young person dying because of drug abuse they cannot help but sympathise with the bereaved parents, and many will wonder what risks their own children may be running. But precisely because drugs are so prevalent, parents have become used to the anxiety. Half, according to The Observer poll , do not think their own children would try drugs. When people hear of 'turf wars' between dealers, they may be appalled, but they will probably not feel personally threatened unless they live so close to the disputed turf that they can hear the shooting. Drugs are even a laughing matter these days. Broadsheet newspaper columnists can regale their readers with anecdotes about activities that, if presented as evidence in court, might earn them substantial prison sentences. MTV can present its UK viewers with a cannabis night, in the confidence that it will arouse little more controversy than a Kylie weekend. All it lacks are ads for hash and Dutch skunk. Earlier in the evening, it is now considered acceptable to make jokes about being 'addicted' to 'Charlie' in front of Blind Date's family audience. Jokes and knowing references are a sign that attitudes to legal and illegal drugs are beginning to converge. If you make jokes about drinking, nobody will blame you for the alcoholics in the park or the victims of drunk drivers. But back in the harsh climate of the 'war on drugs', careless remarks amounted to collusion with the enemy. It is possible that this layer of complacency may co-exist indefinitely with support for prohibition. Inconsistency is the rule, after all, from the legality of some drugs but not others, to the assumption made by many drug users that although the law should stay in place, they are entitled to remain above it. Or this complacency may after all represent a softening of opinion that will eventually translate into support for changes in the way that our society handles drugs. One straw in the wind is a question asked in a previous poll: 'Do you agree or disagree that using cannabis is no worse than smoking or drinking?' Four years ago, only a third agreed. In The Observer poll, we now find cannabis ranked bottom of our 'health risk' table, way below alcohol and tobacco. Something significant is going on here, and if we can make sense of it, we may understand ourselves better as a society. Why, after 80-odd years of prohibition and periodic panics, and with levels of drug use apparently as high as they have ever been, should anxieties have abated rather than intensified? Surveys of drug use, such as The Observer poll and the British Crime Survey (BCS), offer some pointers. The Observer poll and the 2000 BCS figures agree that about three in 10 of us have taken a drug illegally at least once in our lives. Half of those aged under 25 have used an illegal drug at least once; nearly a third of that age group have done so in the past year, and nearly a fifth in the past month. These results put Britain at the top of the European tables for illegal drug use. They do not reflect a consistent national attitude towards intoxicating substances, as British alcohol consumption is close to the European average; though they may perhaps reflect different attitudes to intoxication itself. For the population as a whole, levels of drug use continue to rise, though in a relatively measured fashion. (Cocaine, whose use is increasing sharply, is a notable exception.) And this may be the basis for the recent relaxation of attitudes towards drugs. Although people are not aware of the statistics, they have an idea of what is going on around them, and in general they are pretty confident that things are not getting dramatically worse, though consumption continues to increase. That is one of the main differences between the present moment and much of the past couple of decades. The first wave of mass drug use, in the 1960s and 1970s, was psychedelic in its pretensions and exclusive socially. In the 1980s drugs began to look like a menace to society as a whole. Then came raves, in the late Eighties. Hallucinatory states and drug experience became part of growing up for a large minority of British youth. In some respects, though, perspectives on drugs have narrowed. One of the striking aspects of the drug panic of the early Eighties was its commitment to social inclusion. The drug that defined the problem was heroin. It stood not only as the end-point to which drug taking led, but also as a symbol of the processes that were pulling society apart. Heroin was seen as a terrible side-effect of Thatcherite economic reforms, preying on the regions that were vulnerable after the destruction of their industries. At the same time, heroin was understood to be a great leveller. Stories about addicts on council estates were complemented by accounts of addiction among people who grew up on country estates. As the cracks grew in the consensus that the affluent had some responsibility for the poor, heroin stories reasserted that rich and poor were in it together. Today, the comfortable classes have shed much of the guilt they once felt about those who don't enjoy the affluence of the majority. And heroin hardly figures in public discussion any more. It stands out, though. Whereas illegal drug use in general is a crime of affluence, being most common among the better-off, heroin is an exception. It is much more prevalent among the poor than the rich or those in the middle, and so, instead of being used to symbolise the plight of the poor, it is ignored. The recent publicity surrounding the tragic death of Rachel Whitear, the young woman whose parents released images of her body as it was found after her death from a heroin overdose, was an exception that proved the rule: the fact that Whitear came from a middle-class background may explain some of the shock those images evoked. But in general, Britain's heroin addicts are ignored. A similar indifference may have neutralised another source of fear. Urban shootings are often attributed to rivalry between drug dealers. As well as overstating the role of drugs in disputes between men, this suggests that the violence is an internal matter, rather than a threat to the wider world. The communities in which the gunmen live are not seen to be the concern of others. There is a racial element to this - although it's worth noting that, according to the BCS, black Britons and other ethnic minorities take fewer drugs than whites - but even if race was not an issue, a class barrier would still exist. Another kind of indifference has certainly changed the way that drugs are regarded. The tone of the times is blasé. It is unfashionable to admit shock or distaste at any aspect of recreational culture, and that includes drugs. Add to this the ageing of once-threatening rock stars into figures of fun, and of the rave generation into middle management young professionals, and the domestication of drugs is well under way. Already it looks like a foregone conclusion. Drugs are the one glaring anomaly in a culture and an economy based on the pursuit of pleasure and sensation. Over a quarter of a century, for example, women have been encouraged by magazines and novels to pursue sexual pleasure in the course of personal development and for its own sake. Over a similar period - Star Wars and Cosmopolitan magazine hail from the same era - viewers have sat stunned before a succession of increasingly spectacular film productions. While in music, the number of speakers multiplies and the bass goes ever lower. What drugs do is what this culture is all about. The desire for a drug-induced high is mirrored by the pursuit of pleasure and entertainment that is so much a part of our culture. To a large extent, drugs have inspired culture, and parts of it would not exist without them. But while just about everybody would affirm the joys of sex and spectacle, despite wide differences of opinion about their proper place and content, drug taking is the one source of sensual pleasure that is still widely felt to be wrong in itself. It is the one standing pillar of a moral edifice that has long since crumbled, in which sensual pleasure had always to be pursued in the service of a higher cause, such as married love. Nowadays it is difficult to express moral concerns about the pursuit of pleasure, so these are translated into concerns about the risks that drug users run. Right and wrong have been replaced by health and safety issues. Drug policy has followed a similar path. With the moral pressure eased, the authorities have been able to follow the voluntary sector's advice and promote 'harm reduction' policies. Instead of zero tolerance, the Home Office suggests chill-out rooms; instead of declaring a war on drugs, it sets performance targets for reductions in drug use. The problem is estimated to cost between £10.6bn and £18.8bn a year in England and Wales, almost all of it down to a hard core of at least 281,125 'problem drug users'. These days the name of the game is management.Fortunately for the Government, the British have a weakness for fudge. In the case of cannabis, many people seem to have resolved the contradictions by deciding that it is now legal. If middle-class parents who have stopped hiding their Rizlas from their children could make that mistake, who can blame teenagers for having only a hazy idea of what illegality means? Along with the muddle, though, there is an unprecedented openness towards dialogue about drugs. The current tone was recently epitomised in an episode of The Archers, with a heady scene in which teenager Fallon Rogers was able through ecstasy to tell her mother how much she loved her. Her mother, Jolene, responded with model concern, measured to warn, but not alienate, her daughter. Britain now feels relatively comfortable about drugs in part because the country has begun to look more stable than in recent years. Drugs were part of the upheavals of the early Eighties, and of the onrushing consumer economy that developed later in the decade. Drugs seemed to be symptoms of processes that were uncertain and possibly out of control. In the present equilibrium, conditions have never been better for a thoughtful national conversation about drugs, despite the hectic impression created by explosive headlines and chattering columnists. But it may only be a pause for reflection. When the ground beneath our feet begins to rumble, and seems to tilt once again, drugs may get their demons back. · Marek Kohn's Dope Girls: The Birth of the British Drug Underground is published by Granta Drugs Uncovered: Observer special Drugs Uncovered News and comment 21.04.2002: Revealed: Britain's drug habit 21.04.2002: Leader: Time to be adult about drugs Exclusive Drugs Uncovered poll 21.04.2002: The poll: What you take ... and what you think Introduction 21.04.2002: Mark Kohn: Boom or bust? The knowledge 21.04.2002: The lowdown, drug by drug 21.04.2002: 100 years of altered states 21.04.2002: How much do children know? 21.04.2002: Tales of experience Street market 21.04.2002: Drugstore Britain 21.04.2002: In the lab: What's in the drugs? 21.04.2002: My drugs 21.04.2002: Sylvia Patterson: Cocaine nation Staying clean 21.04.2002: Martin Bright: can you kick addiction? Class A capitalists 21.04.2002: Faisal Islam: who reaps the profits? 21.04.2002: Tony Thompson: Deadly cargo The future? 21.04.2002: Andrew Smith: Can drugs make you smarter? 21.04.2002: The next Big High? Drugs policy debate 24.03.2002: Rowena Young: What do we do when the drugs war stops? 24.03.2002: Blair 'must scrap failed drug tactics' 03.03.2002: Mary Riddell: The private hell of a very public death 08.07.2001: Cristina Odone: Don't legalise drugs 25.11.2001: Arnold Kemp: Prohibition should be banned 29.07.2001: Henry McDonald: Legalise drugs, but tax them too 22.07.2001: The drugs debate: where next? 20.01.2002: Viv Evans: Why Eton's drug policy is wrong 18.11.2001: Toby Young: Fed up with media cant about cocaine 28.10.2001: Euan Ferguson: But there's only one problem. I hate dope 28.10.2001: Andrew Rawnsley: New Labour is for U-turning Britain's hard drugs epidemic: Observer investigation 15.07.2001: David Rose: Our society is hooked - here's how to fix it 08.07.2001: David Rose: Opium of the people New epidemic fear 24.03.2002: Epidemic fear as 'hillbilly heroin' hits the streets 24.03.2002: Oxycodone explained The drugs debate: Observer investigation 24.02.2002: The Dutch lesson: No drugs war, but pragmatism works 24.02.2002: Brixton experiment: " The dealers think they're untouchable now... " More from Guardian Unlimited Special report: drugs in Britain The changing drugs debate 24.03.2002: Focus: How smears brought top gay cop to brink of ruin 03.03.2002: Drug video's shock tactics 'won't work' 17.02.2002: Drug laws revolution set for UK 17.02.2002: Crack 'epidemic' fuels rise in violent crime 23.12.2001: Dutch model for UK drug laws 09.12.2001: Police urge major rethink on heroin 09.12.2001: The police and hard drugs: the Cleveland report 20.01.2002: Focus: ecstasy after-effects that could last a lifetime Haze of confusion hangs over dangers to health http://observer.guardian.co.uk/drugs/story/0,11908,1125727,00.html From the end of this month cannabis will be reclassified as a class C drug, alongside tranquillisers and steroids. But does anyone really know what the dangers of smoking dope are? Jason Burke and Anushka Asthana report Sunday January 18, 2004 The Observer Steve, 25, Jamie, 23, and Amit, 30, all liked, or like, a smoke. Steve tried cannabis at school and was smoking 10 to 15 joints every evening by the time he was at college. He lost his job and started behaving erratically. One night, drunk and stoned in a club, he ate a lump of hashish resin and woke up hearing voices. He is still being treated for schizophrenia. For several years Jamie had smoked 20 joints, often of powerful skunk, a week. He holds down a well-paying office job and says that he has no problems with motivation or concentration. He says he has never suffered any adverse effects, let alone mental health issues, and describes his consumption as a 'positive lifestyle choice'. Amit smoked 15 joints a day for six years. 'My life was like something from The Office,' he said last week. 'I had an undercurrent of depression throughout that time. Without cannabis, it would have been much worse.' Amit has a new job and stopped using cannabis six months ago. But he admits it was hard to break his habit. 'There is no doubt I was addicted,' he said. All three men were heavy users. According to the Independent Drugs Monitoring Group, a typical user consumes more than seven grammes (a quarter of an ounce) of average-strength cannabis a week. This year an estimated one in 10 Britons aged between 16 and 59 - about 3.3 million people - will use the drug. Few of them will smoke as much as Steve, Jamie and Amit ever did. Instead it will be a quiet spliff on a park bench outside school, or with coffee after a dinner party, or while watching a video on a Sunday evening when the children have gone to bed. The amount of cannabis smoked in the UK is unprecedented. But for an activity that has such mass appeal - one in four 15- to 24-year-olds smoked it in 2002, according to the British Crime Survey - very little is known about the effects of such broad consumption on people, on health, on society. At the end of this month, cannabis will be reclassified from a class B to a class C drug - putting it on the same level as steroids and tranquillisers. The effect of the change, and the police guidelines issued along with it, will make it extremely unlikely that anyone consuming cannabis in private will be arrested. Smoking pot in your own home will, in practical terms at least, be legal. Offend repeatedly or smoke in a public place or outside a school and the consequences could be severe, however. Under-18s, say the guidelines, should be arrested, although in reality it is unlikely that the police will always follow the law to the letter. Possession can still result in a two-year prison sentence. There are also increased penalties for dealing. The changes, recommended first in a report by the Police Foundation, a council of scientific experts and the Commons Home Affairs Select Committee, regularise the reality of the enforcement of soft drugs law. In much of the country, police rarely arrest and prosecute 'personal users'. None the less, in 2000 there were 70,000 convictions for possession of cannabis. The changes are controversial. Some criticise any move to liberalise drug laws, others criticise the confusion surrounding the new policy and many say the changes don't go far enough. The debate grew more heated again last week when new research by leading psychiatrists pointed to a strong link between mental illness and cannabis use. Professor Robin Murray, a psychiatrist at the Maudsley hospital in south London, published findings stating that cannabis both increases the risk of serious mental illness and exacerbates existing psychotic conditions. Murray's conclusions were controversial. His research was not published in time to be presented to the council of experts consulted by the Home Office when it decided to go ahead with the declassification. Critics of Home Secretary David Blunkett's decision seized on it as evidence that the Government's drugs policy is, in the words of the Daily Mail's Melanie Phillips, 'reckless'. The Conservative Party accused the Government of 'mixed messages' and vowed to reverse the move. In fact, the situation is more nuanced. Murray cited research in Sweden and Holland that confirmed the link between cannabis and psychosis. Research at Yale Medical School showed that tetrahydrocannabinol (THC) - the active ingredient in cannabis - can produce a psychotic reaction. The studies confirmed that no one could sensibly say that cannabis was 'harmless'. However, they did not prove that cannabis was necessarily dangerous for everyone. According to Paddy Power, a consultant psychiatrist with the Lambeth Early Onset Service in south London, 70 per cent of the 170 people referred to the clinic each year take cannabis. 'A proportion of the population is certainly at risk of psychosis from heavy use of cannabis, but they are a minority and it is possible that they are already at risk of psychosis for a variety of other factors,' he told The Observer last week. And, to many, this is key. Power likens the connection between cannabis and psychosis to the link between cigarette smoking and lung cancer and heart disease. 'It does not mean one leads inevitably to the other. The more you do, the more you are at risk,' he said. Steve, quoted above, is certain that cannabis triggered his psychosis. Trying cannabis since developing his condition set off an immediate reaction. 'It made me feel instantly crazy,' he said. 'It was like turning on a switch.' But Steve may have been vulnerable already, backing up the general consensus that cannabis can make mental illness worse or increase the risk, but does not cause it. Steve's father, Terry Hammond, now works for the mental health charity Rethink. He agrees that, though cannabis had 'hurled [his son] over the edge, Steve had previously showed signs of vulnerability'. But no one knows how many might be vulnerable. Some talk of as many as one in seven or in 10. Yet Les Iversen, professor of pharmacology at Oxford and a House of Lords adviser on drugs misuse, said the fraction was 'tiny'. Harry Shapiro, of the independent research centre Drugscope, referred to a 'handful out of millions' being affected. The issue of psychosis touches on many key debates within the broader argument over the legalisation of cannabis and, more generally, society's approach to other drugs. Is the risk of exposing a vulnerable minority to possible psychosis outweighed by the harm done to society by criminalising millions of people who safely enjoy cannabis? Is it even correct to lump cannabis with other controlled drugs such as heroin or crack that are far more dangerous to individuals and to society? What about the differing strengths of cannabis? What would happen if cannabis supply was controlled by the government? Is it not irrational to focus on cannabis when alcohol, almost all health professionals agree, is a far more harmful drug and is misused far more widely? Despite decades of debate, there is little clear consensus over the way forward. Peter Coker, who has worked with drug users for nearly 20 years and currently runs the National Drug Prevention Alliance, opposes the reclassification, let alone any further liberalisation. 'Blunkett thought that, if he gave this concession to the liberalising lobby, it would be satisfied. Instead it has just been encouraged,' Coker said. 'The reclassification is being read [by potential users] as a signal that there is a more relaxed attitude to all drugs, and that is very dangerous.' Bob Carstairs, of the Secondary Heads Association, is also concerned about the message sent to children by the reclassification. His organisation, which represents headteachers at more than 4,000 schools, has recommended that they maintain a policy of suspending first offenders and of expelling those who sell cannabis to their school mates, or who otherwise encourage consumption of the drug. 'The majority of heads are disappointed at the confused message that is being sent,' Carstairs said last week. 'There is a huge amount of confusion. There are eight-year-olds trying cannabis. They are simply too young to make a mature judgment.' But predictably others criticise the policy for not going far enough. Francis Wilkinson, a former chief constable of Gwent, says the cannabis laws discredit all drug laws. 'Children experiment [with cannabis] and find it is not harmful. They then think that all the laws are wrong, even those dealing with drugs that are very damaging.' He says cannabis and heroin have a completely different impact on the individual and on society. 'For example, people who smoke cannabis do not commit crime to get more,' Wilkinson, who claims widespread support within the police force, said. 'If there is one thing that would substantially reduce crime, it is government regulation and control of the supply of both cannabis and heroin.' Another supporter of the reform is Mike Trace, the Government's former deputy drug tsar from 1997 to 2002. He said that, in 1999 and 2000, he and his staff calculated that 'in the realms of £100 million' would be saved by the criminal justice system if cannabis was legalised. He blames fear of a 'Middle England' backlash for politicians' failure to push through radical measures. 'There is a fear of being portrayed . . . as soft on drugs,' he said. Some, such as Professor Iversen, advocate a 'coffee shop system' like Holland's. 'We need to separate the supply of cannabis from those drugs that are more harmful.' However, major change in drugs legislation is unlikely in the short term, not least because Britain is bound by a series of United Nations conventions to keep cannabis use illegal. Policy is likely to come from the broad moderate consensus represented by drugs professionals such as Power and others working on the front line of drugs and mental illness in Lambeth. Despite his concerns on health issues, Power backs reform. 'The main risk is the extremely detrimental effects on youngsters of being caught up in the criminal justice system simply because of the recreational use of a drug that has relatively limited adverse health effects compared to other drugs and alcohol,' he said. Most health professionals see education as the critical issue. The Home Office officials say they are sensitive to the need for teaching people about health risks and are investing £1 million in a campaign to educate the nation about the new legal situation regarding cannabis use and about the impact smoking the drug can have on bodies and minds. Campaigners such as Hammond say that much more effort is needed. What no one denies is that millions in Britain will continue to use cannabis - whatever the legal situation and whatever the health advice. Alex makes £50,000 a year selling cannabis and cocaine to mainly middle-class clients. 'Even if they legalise cannabis, it would be taxed and we could undercut it,' he said. 'The really low-quality goods would be taken off the market and some street dealers would go out of business. But I'd carry on. There is a huge demand for cannabis. That's capitalism. Where there is demand, there will always be a market.' Special report Drugs in Britain Net notes 10.07.2002: Cannabis Useful links talktofrank.com DrugScope Trashed UK Online: drugs Quote Link to comment Share on other sites More sharing options...
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