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The " Academic-Industrial-Military Complex " Engineering Life & Mind

The " academic-industrial-military complex " is shaping every aspect of our lives,

beginning with the kind of science and scientific research that gets done and

gets reported. We are not only losing our right to self-determination and

self-sufficiency, but most seriously of all, our right to think differently from

the corporate establishment. The suppression of scientific dissent threatens the

survival of science and endangers lives.

 

Dr. Mae-Wan Ho and Jonathan Matthews call for open debate on the scientific

evidence of hazards inherent to genetic engineering. The future of food security

and the survival of our planet are at stake.

 

If you wish to see the complete document with references, please consider

becoming a member or friend of ISIS. Full details here

Suppressing dissent

During most of the period of the Cold War, nuclear physics was the big science

that got the lion’s share of public funding. Within the past two decades, giant

corporations have been increasingly dictating the kind of science and scientific

research that gets done, mostly to fatten themselves at our expense, so they can

all the better exploit us for further gain.

 

Under the banner of the ‘free market’ and ‘free choice’, we are losing our right

to self-determination and self-sufficiency in every way: our food, health,

social mores, the way we choose to live and most seriously of all, our right to

think differently from the corporate establishment.

 

The suppression of scientific dissent is one of the most serious and visible

signs of the " academic-industrial-military complex " at work. It goes against the

very grain and essence of what science is: the open, disinterested enquiry into

the causes of natural processes.

 

In the summer of 1998, senior scientist Arpad Pusztai from the Rowett Institute

in Aberdeen, UK, told the public that feeding young rats GM potatoes appeared to

harm them. He lost his job. His wife, biochemist Susan Bardocz, and

collaborator, Stanley Ewen, were both retired early subsequently.

 

Pro-biotech scientists and Fellows of the Royal Society - the top society of

scientists in the UK – were unanimous in their condemnation. Pusztai had

violated every cannon of scientific rectitude by ‘spilling the beans’ before the

scientific findings were peer-reviewed and published, causing undue public alarm

and damaging the biotech industry. The Royal Society issued a hasty official

report discrediting his findings.

 

Suppression is particularly fierce when it comes to getting adverse results

published, as Pusztai and Ewen discovered when they submitted a paper to The

Lancet. The anonymous review process took a year. On the eve of the paper’s

eventual publication, another prominent Fellow of the Royal Society threatened

The Lancet’s editor in an attempt to block it.

 

For every Pusztai, there are at least ten similar casualties that did not get

public airing, add to that numerous cases of censorship from employers or even

self-censorship.

 

The Institute for Professional Managers and Specialists carried out a survey of

scientists working in government or in recently privatised laboratories.

One-third of the respondents had been asked to change their research findings to

suit the customer’s preferred outcome, while 10% had pressure put on them to

bend their results to help secure contracts.

 

In Britain’s handful of top research universities, dependence on private funding

often amounted to 80-90% of the total research budget. The four unions

representing scientists and technical staff launched a charter, which says that

research must be guaranteed " by peer review, open publication and by autonomy

over a significant proportion of its resources " .

 

But the Royal Society, the UK Parliament and the House of Lords, merely got

together with a transmogrified PR company, Social Issues Research Centre (SIRC),

funded by the food industry, and the Royal Institution - with a long and

distinguished history of presenting science to the public - to issue a set of

‘guidelines’ for journalists and scientists, that are clearly aimed at

preventing public report of ‘adverse’ findings.

 

A new Science Media Centre (SMC) was announced in January 2001, supported by

Science Minister Lord Sainsbury, to be housed in the Royal Institution, now

headed by Baroness Susan Greenfield, Oxford neurobiologist well known for

popularising brain science, who is also an advisor to SIRC. It’s aim is to help

journalists get their stories right on controversial issues such as " animal

research, cloning and genetically modified food " .

 

In June 2002, the SMC was caught trying to suppress the BBC drama, " Fields of

Gold " , that attempted to draw attention to the hazards of horizontal gene

transfer – the transfer of GM DNA to unrelated species – with particularly

serious consequences.

 

It is notable that in the entire Pusztai episode, corporate business has been

quite invisible; academic institutions are all too willing and ready to punish

offending academics themselves, and not at all ashamed to be seen doing so.

Though there have been unconfirmed rumours of phone calls from Monsanto to the

Rowett Institute.

 

In my own case, it was indeed a phone call from Brian Cass, chief of

Huntingdon’s Life Sciences that resulted in my being hounded out of the

university I have worked in for nearly 25 years.

 

Environmental journalist George Monbiot gives more examples in his book, Captive

State, The Corporate Takeover of Britain of similar treatments universities mete

out to academics daring to dissent from the corporate agenda or to criticise it.

Corporate takeover of science brokered by governments

Governments have sold science and scientists to the corporations. The sell-out

began under the Conservative Government. The 1993 white paper on science,

Realizing our Potential, intended to " produce a better match between publicly

funded strategic research and the needs of industry " . The research councils,

which distribute most of the public money, would be obliged to develop " more

extensive and deeper links " with industry, and " to recruit more of their senior

staff from industry " .

 

The Labour government extended those reforms enthusiastically. Its 1998 white

paper on " competitiveness " launched a ‘reach-out’ fund to encourage universities

to " work more effectively with business " . The choice of a biotech investor and

food industrialist, Lord Sainsbury, as Science Minister within the Department of

Trade and Industry is more than just emblematic of the emerging corporate

culture.

 

In a recent Financial Times article, Lord Sainsbury cites the following

statistics: British universities spun off 199 companies in 2000, up from an

annual average of 67 in the previous five years and a mere " handful " before

that. UK’s ratio of companies to research spending is now more than six times

higher than the US. " It’s a dazzling record, " says Lord Sainsbury, and laments

the nation’s failure to celebrate such a " stunning change in the entrepreneurial

attitudes of our universities " .

 

The key to delivering Lord Sainsbury’s redefinition of " good science " as

commercial productivity is the higher education funding councils.

 

The Biotechnology and Biological Sciences Research council (BBSRC) was

established in 1994 to replace the Science and Engineering Research Council

(SERC). Whereas SERC’s mandate was to advance science of all kinds, the BBSRC’s

purpose is " to sustain a broad base of interdisciplinary research and training

to help industry, commerce and Government create wealth " .

 

Thus, it comes as no surprise that the BBSRC, the main funding body for

Britain’s academic biologists with an annual budget of £190m (in 2000), is

chaired by Peter Doyle, the former executive director of the biotech

corporation, Zeneca; nor that its main committees are stuffed with corporate

representatives: Syngenta (sits on 3), AstraZeneca (on 2), GlaxoSmithKline (3),

Pfizer (4), Unilever (2), not to mention Genetix plc, Lilly and Merck Sharp &

Dohme. No wonder that gene biotechnology has been swallowing up the lion’s share

of the research funds.

 

In January 1999, the BBSRC set aside £15m for " a new initiative to help British

researchers win the race to identify the function of key genes " . In July the

same year, £19m was to be spent on new research facilities to " underpin the

economic and environmental sustainability of agriculture in the UK " through

" work on genetically modified crops " . In October, £11m was allocated to projects

that would enable the UK " to remain internationally competitive in the

development of gene-based technologies " . Every year, the Council gives more than

£10m in grants to John Innes Centre in Norwich, the genetic engineering

institute which houses the Sainsbury Laboratory and has a research alliance with

Dupont and Zeneca, and latterly, Syngenta, although Syngenta has just announced

it is pulling out.

 

In 2000, an extra £1.9 billion was to be committed to " health genomics research "

over the next five years. That was in addition to the Government’s projected

spending of £675m on university infrastructure through the Science Research

Investment Fund, which includes high tech facilities for studying genes and

proteins. All that was supposed to help industry discover new lucrative drugs.

 

And even now, as the dream of miracle drugs is receding and the biotech

corporate empire shows all the signs of collapse, the Blair government is

propping it up with even more subsidies. It has just introduced a further new

tax credit for research and development: " a £400 million boost to innovation,

affecting £11 billion of expenditure by 1,500 large companies in the UK " .

 

In the United States, successive government have brokered the corporate take

over of science in a similar way, going back to the 1862 federal legislation

that created the land-grant universities. But this accelerated with the passage

of the Bayh-Dole Act in 1980, which for the first time, allowed universities to

patent the results of federally funded research. The Business-Higher Education

Forum, a coalition of corporate and academic leaders, and similar groups lobbied

to get universities joined up with the marketplace.

 

Since then, the US Congress has passed numerous other laws to cement

university-industry ties, including generous tax breaks for corporations

investing in academic research. From 1980 to 1998, industry funding for academic

research expanded at an annual rate of 8.1%, reaching $1.9billion in 1997,

nearly 8 times the level 20 years ago.

 

Another factor driving academic institutions into the maws of big business is

the cut in public research budgets, which enables corporations to buy up

departments and whole institutions for new ideas and prestigious labour at

bargain prices.

 

Postdoctoral fellows earn as little as $15,000 a year working, at times, round

the clock. Projects in a university lab typically cost about half what they

would at a drug company. And the public has greater faith in research at

universities than in private labs.

 

The Swiss drug giant Novartis is paying $24 million over six years to the

University of Maryland’s Psychiatric Research Center for access to its brain

tissue bank and one of its labs.

 

The University of California at Berkeley, similarly, had suffered decades of

financial cutbacks when Novartis agreed in 1998 to pay $25 million to be allowed

to license up to about one-third of the research results. Along with that, the

company gains the right to sit on a committee deciding on the research of the

department.

 

When Berkeley plant geneticists Ignacio Chapela and David Quist uncovered the

transgenic contamination of maize landraces growing in remote regions of Mexico

and reported it in Nature in November 2001, they were subjected to vicious

attacks and intimidation rivalling the Pusztai episode in Britain, orchestrated

from within their own Department, and aided and abetted by Monsanto.

 

Novartis also pays $20 million a year for some research at the Scripps Research

Institute in California and over the past decade has paid up to $100 million for

research at the Harvard-affiliated Dana Farber Cancer Institute.

Science behind closed doors

The academic-industrial complex is not open to public scrutiny.

 

At the 2000 World Economic Forum in Davos, Bruce Alberts, President of the US

National Academy of Sciences (NAS), gathered behind the scenes with a group of a

dozen other presidents of national science academies to create an International

Academy Council (IAC) to provide " impartial scientific advice " to governments

and international organizations on issues such as genetic engineering,

threatened ecosystems, and biodiversity.

 

Bruce Alberts also chairs The National Research Council (NRC), which has a

full-time staff of 1000 and a $200 million annual budget. Through the NRC, the

NAS conducts studies and prepares about 200 reports annually, largely under

contract to federal agencies.

 

In flagrant violation of the rules of open government - the 1972 Federal

Advisory Committee Act - NRC committees and panels meet secretly in closed

sessions, and persistently fail to require that their membership reflect

balanced representation of divergent interests and viewpoints.

 

The NRC biotechnology panel was set up in March 1999, with disproportionate

representation of experts directly linked to industry. The panel’s executive

director, Dr. Michael Phillips, was secretly negotiating for a senior position

in the Biotechnology Industry Organization (BIO), and joined the industry some 3

months later.

 

When the NAS report on GM crops was released in April 2000, BIO – the industry’s

lobby - was delighted, claiming in a press release that GM foods " are thoroughly

tested and safe " . Critics, however, rejected the report. US Senator Dennis

Kucinich called for the study to be scraped because the panel was " tainted by

pervasive conflicts of interest " .

 

Less than a year later, the NAS itself criticised the federal reviews of GM

crops carried out by the US Department of Agriculture (USDA), branding it

" superficial " , placing too much emphasis on protecting corporate trade secrets,

and lacking in both transparency and rigour. It called on the USDA to seek

evaluation by scientific experts outside the agency and solicit greater input

from the public.

Corporate science kills

Corporate control of biomedical research is particularly strong, as that’s where

huge profits are involved. The pharmaceutical industry has been the most

profitable industry by a wide margin. And the federally funded National

Institutes of Health may be the drug industry’s biggest benefactor. This

government agency alone will spend more than $23 billion on research in 2002.

 

Biotech drug giants like AstraZeneca, GlaxoSmith Kline and Eli Lilly are funding

annual meetings of professional groups such as the American Psychiatric

Association, saturating the conference with corporate logos and free gifts and

worse, paying for sessions " to control which scientists and papers were

presented and to help shape the presentations " .

 

Meanwhile, academic institutions have been getting into an orgy of incestuous

relationships with industry, scientists find themselves testing drugs they have

invented, sitting on committees approving the drugs and holding financial stakes

in companies that stand to profit from them. Corporate science is endangering

lives.

 

In 1999, teenager Jesse Gelsinger died in a gene therapy trial at the University

of Pennsylvania. Government regulators cited the researchers for numerous safety

violations. The scientist overseeing that trial and the medical centre had a

financial stake in the therapy tested. Subsequent public enquiry turned up more

than 650 adverse events and 7 other deaths associated with ‘gene therapy’.

 

But that was just the tip of the iceberg. A litany of misconducts has come to

light since.

 

Doctors at the Fred Hutchinson Cancer Research Centre allowed a cancer

experiment to go on for years, even though patients were dying at a higher rate

than with standard therapy. The Centre and some of its physicians had financial

stake in the treatment.

 

A University of Pittsburgh scientist funded by several drug companies was

accused in a lawsuit of manipulating a study of children’s ear infections and

contributing to the dangerous overuse of antibiotics.

 

The FDA reprimanded a Tufts University researcher for improperly treating a

cancer patient with a gene therapy that may have caused his tumour to double in

size. Both the scientist and a Boston medical centre held large stake in the

company developing the treatment.

 

On 19 July 2001, the US government ordered a suspension of all clinical trials

in Johns Hopkins following the death of a previously healthy 24 year old

volunteer in an asthma experiment.

 

Researchers at the University of Alabama at Birmingham carried out tests on

cancer patients for years, with a drug, BCX-34, they knew to be useless. But

they had financial stakes in a company making the drug, so they falsified the

data to manipulate the market.

 

But the governments are far from impartial in imposing the necessary regulation.

The United States Food and Drug Administration (FDA) stands accused of

withholding tens of thousands of documents on hundreds of side effects and

dozens of deaths linked to xenotransplantation.

 

The FDA also re-approved the drug alosetron (Lotronex), belonging to

GlaxoSmithKline and prescribed for ‘irritable bowel syndrome’ and related

disorders, which was withdrawn because its efficacy was marginal, and it was

linked to severe complications including deaths. There were 113 reports of

serious complications of constipation, 84 of ischaemic colitis, and six of small

bowel ischaemia. This accounted for more than 100 cases of hospitalisations, 50

cases of surgery and at least 7 deaths; and as the FDA staff point out, only 1

to 10% of such events are reported.

 

A senior scientist on the FDA’s advisory committee had decided to speak out,

warning of more deaths if the drug is re-approved.

 

The drug giants fund FDA to the tune of $162m in 2002, almost half of the cost

of reviewing drugs. In return FDA must meet tighter deadlines and improve

" responsiveness to communication with industry sponsors during the early years

of drug development " , with disastrous consequences.

 

Thirteen dangerous prescription drugs have been withdrawn from the market in the

last decade, but not before hundreds of patients died and thousands injured. Yet

no congressional committee has investigated why the FDA approved these dubious

medicines or why they were not withdrawn right away.

 

In May 2002, Congress opted instead to renew the arrangement that’s a major

source of the problem.

Scientific journals closed to debate

Almost as a council of despair, the top biomedical journals announced in August

2001 that they would reserve the right not to publish drug company-sponsored

research " unless the researchers involved are guaranteed scientific

independence " . A week later, Britain’s top science journal, Nature, said it

expects all its authors to declare " any competing financial interests " .

 

But the journals are failing in another important role, to encourage open

scientific debate. Top journals such as Science, Nature and New Scientist have

grown dependent on corporate advertisements and sponsorship, often of whole

series of pro-biotech papers. They have been too reluctant to give voice to

scientists dissenting from the corporate view, while undue and apparently

unlimited access to their pages is granted to pro-biotech scientists and other

supporters of the industry.

 

The journal Nature, having published a paper from the two Berkeley scientists

reporting on the transgenic contamination of Mexican maize landraces (see

above), succumbed to pressure from the pro-GM lobby and ‘retracted’ the paper

several months later, a move that was unprecedented for a paper that was neither

wrong in its major findings, nor fraudulent, and their findings have since been

confirmed.

 

Nature has just also rejected a paper from Mexican government scientists, which

confirmed the Berkeley scientists’ results.

 

These journals have turned down nearly all attempts to get the hazards of

horizontal gene transfer debated within their pages, even when one of us was

openly attacked there.

 

When the matter was raised in another journal, in a series of paper on the

potential hazards of the cauliflower mosaic virus (CaMV) promoter, Nature

Biotechnology published a long report attempting to discredit one of us in the

worst style of gutter journalism. The editor gave a very grudging right to reply

after a delay of three to four months, when the same offending journalist was

allowed to have yet another go (see Nature Biotechnology April, 2000).

 

The papers in question warned that the CaMV promoter makes the GM DNA extra

unstable and prone to horizontal gene transfer. Recent findings have vindicated

those claims, especially in relation to the transgenic contamination of Mexican

landraces, where the CaMV promoter appeared to have been " fragmenting and

promiscuously scattering throughout the genome " . But denial, misrepresentation

and suppression continues, especially over horizontal gene transfer.

 

Britain’s Food Standards Agency (FSA) has been given the responsibility of

overseeing the safety of GM foods, headed by Oxford zoologist Sir John Krebs, a

prominent member of the SIRC that produced ‘guidelines’ aimed at suppressing

adverse reports on GM. He himself has made no secret of his pro-GM, anti-organic

stance.

 

Despite having stacked the odds against detecting horizontal gene transfer in

the FSA’s own commissioned research, a positive result was nevertheless

obtained: transgenic DNA, eaten in GM soya flour in a hamburger and milk shake,

was found transferred to the gut bacteria of human volunteers. The FSA

immediately attempted to dismiss and downplay the results. One of us challenged

the FSA and it has singularly failed to reply to the scientific criticisms.

‘National GM debate’ is a farce

There is still no open public debate on the abundant scientific evidence of

actual and potential hazards of genetic engineering. The promised national GM

debate in the UK is turning into a farce.

 

As its contribution, the government funded Natural Environment Research Council

is sponsoring an online debate organised and hosted by Spiked, a website run by

a group that is fanatically pro-GM. The views presented as part of the " debate "

more than reflect that bias in a way that mirrors what the Government is doing

on the national stage.

 

The Government’s " public debate " is happening in parallel with a scientific

review and an economic cost/benefit study. The scientific review will be

conducted by just three scientists, the avowedly pro-GM Sir John Krebs of the

Food Standards Agency, the Government’s chief scientist and the chief scientific

adviser of the Department of the Environment, Food and Rural Affairs (DEFRA).

 

The cost/benefit study, carried out by the Prime Minister’s Strategy Unit, has

put out a " Scoping Note " for public consultation, which is little more than an

excuse to present a mass of speculative benefits of GM crops. It has been

universally condemned and dismissed.

 

Is the " academic-industrial-military " complex so corrupt that it cannot take

real evidence into account, evidence indicating that the mammoth enterprise is

financially, morally and scientifically bankrupt? And evidence that the hazards

are inherent to the technology in all its current applications in agriculture as

well as medicine? But beyond the corporate blinkers, citizens all over the world

are rejecting GM, and many governments are already responding to widespread

consumer boycotts and public demonstrations by tough biosafety legislations to

ban or limit GM imports.

 

Here’s some of the latest news.

 

All wheat buyers in China, Korea, and Japan have announced they will not buy GM

wheat that Monsanto is field-testing in Canada and the US, and planning to

release commercially. The rejection rates from Taiwan and South East Asia are

82% and 78% respectively.

 

Farmers and retailers in Switzerland have agreed never to produce or sell GM

food.

 

European Union member states have refused to reconsider lifting their GM

moratorium that has been in place since 1998.

 

Brazil’s front-running presidential candidate wants to keep Brazil GM-free.

 

The elite French three-star chefs have launched a crusade for a Europe-wide ban

on GM crops and livestock.

Let’s have a really open debate!

Scientists must be allowed to debate the scientific evidence freely and openly

without fear of recrimination. The future of food security and the survival of

our planet are at stake.

 

For an un-expurgated account of the risks of GM, read " Goodbye GMOs " series,

Science in Society 2002, 16, now out. Spread the word by bulk-purchasing this

issue at cost and distributing to your policy-makers and your local community.

Details here.

 

If you wish to see the complete document with references, please consider

becoming a member or friend of ISIS. Full details here

 

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RELEVANT LINKS

from the ISIS website

 

Maurice Wilkins Talks on Social Responsibility in Science

 

Beware Corporate Takeover of Organics

 

Ethical Aspects of Biotechnology and Genetically Modified Organisms

 

The Biotechnology Debate has United the World against Corporate Rule

 

The Need for Another Research Paradigm

 

Dr Arpad Pusztai Talks on Food for the 21st Century

 

The Principle of Substantial equivalence is Unscientific and Arbitary

 

Open Letter from World Scientists to All Governments

 

Beyond Bad Science and Big Business

 

 

The only radical science magazine on earth

Science in Society 16 OUT NOW! Order your copy from our online store.

 

Science in Society gets inside science, puts science under the political

spotlight to demand it is accountable to society

 

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Is there an URL for this?

 

Alobar

 

 

-

" Frank " <califpacific

<gettingwell >

Monday, November 11, 2002 6:33 AM

bad science

 

 

The " Academic-Industrial-Military Complex " Engineering Life & Mind

The " academic-industrial-military complex " is shaping every aspect of

our lives, beginning with the kind of science and scientific research

that gets done and gets reported. We are not only losing our right to

self-determination and self-sufficiency, but most seriously of all,

our right to think differently from the corporate establishment. The

suppression of scientific dissent threatens the survival of science

and endangers lives.

 

<snip>

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Hi Alobar,

 

Sure, I will try and post links with all articles.

 

Frank

 

 

Gettingwell, " Alobar " <alobar@b...> wrote:

> Is there an URL for this?

>

> Alobar

>

>

> -

> " Frank " <califpacific>

> <gettingwell>

> Monday, November 11, 2002 6:33 AM

> bad science

>

>

> The " Academic-Industrial-Military Complex " Engineering Life & Mind

> The " academic-industrial-military complex " is shaping every aspect

of

> our lives, beginning with the kind of science and scientific

research

> that gets done and gets reported. We are not only losing our right

to

> self-determination and self-sufficiency, but most seriously of all,

> our right to think differently from the corporate establishment. The

> suppression of scientific dissent threatens the survival of science

> and endangers lives.

>

> <snip>

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