Details on the Power Behind Nepal's Terror Pt 2

[Guest guest]

RIM has strong ties to both the "afghansis" and the São Paulo Forum.

An amalgam of nominally Maoist terrorist organizations and guerrilla

movements, it was founded in London in 1984. For years, its

headquarters and publishing operations were located in the Russell

House in Nottingham, England, named for the late Lord Bertrand

Russell. RIM's journal, A World to Win, was published for years by

Russell Press, an affiliate of the one-worldist Bertrand Russell Peace

Foundation.

 

To this day, RIM enjoys the protection of the British Crown. Its

current offices are located in London, which French government

officials have recently labeled the "headquarters for world terrorism."

http://www.larouchepub.com/other/1995/2246_rim_intro.html

 

The British role in creating Maoism

http://www.larouchepub.com/other/1995/2246_british_and_maoism.html

 

Old article on Nepal's Maoist History

Nepali CP looks

to armed revolution

 

by Ramtanu Maitra and Susan Maitra

 

Unlike any other member of the London-based Revolutionary

International Movement, the Communist Party of Nepal (CPN) succeeded

in coming into power, ruling this strategically placed Himalayan

State, which borders both China and India, from 1994 through August

1995. Under the direction of former Prime Minister Man Mohan Adhikari,

the CPN is a power to reckon with, and will remain so for some time.

The nearby "Naxalite" parties of West Bengal in India, which are also

formal and informal members of RIM, have largely submerged themselves

into tribal and peasant insurgent movements, and continue as a dormant

capability.

 

The Nepali communist movement is a product of the early 1950s. It

started at a time when the landlord class, the Ranas, dominated

Nepal's socio-political system, including the monarchy. Together with

the democratic movement under the Nepali Congress party, the

communists were a part of the anti-Rana movement, but unlike the

Congress party, began drawing on the support of China, which had

become communist in 1949.

 

The movement received a setback in 1960, when the ten-year-old

democratic system that freed Nepal from the vise-like grip of the

Ranas came to an end. King Mahendra dismissed the duly elected

government of the Nepali Congress party, arrested Prime Minister B.P.

Koirala and most of his colleagues, and announced a new "partyless

panchayat system" which continued into 1990. All parties were banned.

The CPN went underground, but was less seriously hampered than the

formerly ruling Congress party. CPN meetings were held within Nepal,

party manifestos were freely distributed, and journals reflecting the

views of various of its factions were regularly published.

Beijing vs. Delhi

 

It is not clear why the CPN enjoyed these privileges that were not

granted to the Congress party. But, there is no question that King

Mahendra, in the wake of growing tensions between India and China, was

getting closer to the militarily more powerful Beijing, and it is no

secret that Beijing had close contacts with the CPN. Those were, of

course, still the days when Mao Zedong was chanting "the eastern sky

is red," and pro-China forces were furnished with arms and money

throughout South Asia, including Nepal.

 

Soon, however, the CPN went through the split which hit almost every

communist party in the region, in the wake of the growing animus

between Moscow and Beijing. In the case of the CPN, one of the

founders of the communist movement, Pushpa Lal Shrestha, became the

flag bearer of the extreme Maoist brand. The differences between the

two factions, which were branded as moderate and extremist, centered

on relations with the monarchy. Pushpa Lal Shrestha opposed any

trucking with the monarchy.

 

It was evident, however, that Beijing was not quite ready to take

sides with Pushpa Lal and forsake King Mahendra, who was issuing

increasingly anti-India statements, to the chagrin of New Delhi. The

conflict led to Pushpa Lal fleeing Nepal, and his expulsion from the

party in 1962. The "royalist" wing of the party, led by Keshar Jang

Rayamajhi and Shailendra Kumar Upadhyay, managed to keep control and

maintain a delicate balance of the party's loyalty between the

monarchy in Kathmandu, and Mao's men in Beijing.

 

The 1969 release of the future prime minister and landowner from

Biratnagar, Man Mohan Adhikari, probably the only CPN leader with

sufficient stature to gain support of all party factions, was an

important factor in providing the much-needed stimulus for reuniting

and revitalizing the party. As a result of all this, Pushpa Lal

Shrestha was brought back.

 

The 1970s was a period of consolidation and retrospection for the CPN,

as it was elsewhere for the communist parties in South Asia following

the devastating impact of the brutal Cultural Revolution in China.

Even during this period, the differences within the party hierarchy

became evident. In 1971, during the uprising in East Pakistan which

led to the birth of Bangladesh, the pro-Moscow Rayamajhi and the

Maoist Pushpa Lal hailed the uprising as the "freedom struggle," but

the pro-Beijing Man Mohan Adhikari saw the struggle as "an aggression

of India."

New conflicts planned

 

The CPN continues to have close relations with North Korea, as do

several other members of RIM. During the 1994 elections, the posters,

manifestos, and pamphlets of the CPN were reportedly printed in

Pyongyang and distributed in Nepal.

 

Despite its democratic face, the CPN is not a passive Communist Party.

In the Himalayan foothills, where Nepal meets India, is the area

called the terai. Because of the climate and "business opportunities,"

which often means smuggling contraband from one country to another

across virtually unmanned borders, the face of the CPN in the terai

resembles that of the neighboring militants in the Naxalbari area of

West Bengal, India, the so-called Naxalites. The CPN believes that it

shares the destiny of armed revolution that the Naxalites attempted in

West Bengal.

 

As the terai is the most politically conscious region in Nepal, and

has been a traditional base for both the Nepali Congress party and the

CPN, there is every likelihood that the CPN will choose the area as

its point of conflict. The CPN's strong anti-India image fits into

this situation as well.

http://www.larouchepub.com/other/1995/2246_nepali_cp.html