We seek the bosom of gracious mother (India)

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Memorandum To Members Of Parliament

 

By Tsering Samphel

 

"This historic decision was communicated through a memorandum

submitted by Shri Chhewang Rigzin, President, Ladakh Buddhist

Association, to Prime Minister Nehru on behalf of the people of

Ladakh on 4 May 1949. The memorandum concludes as under: ¡°Ladakh is

not prepared to go to Pakistan whatever the result of the plebiscite

may be¡±. The memorandum further put forth a poignant appeal to India:

¡°We seek the bosom of that gracious mother (India) to receive more

nutriment for growth to our full stature in every way. She has given

us what we prize above all other things - our religion and culture.

The Ashoka wheel on her flag, symbol of goodwill for all humanity,

and her concern for her cultural children, calls us irresistibly.

Will the great mother refuse to take to her arms one of her weakest

and most forlorn and depressed children - a child whom filial love

impels to respond to the call?¡±

 

Ladakh was once an independent Himalayan Kingdom. The political

history of Ladakh dates back to 930 A.D. when several small,

sovereign principalities outlying the Western Himalayas were

integrated and given a unified polity by Lha-Chen-Palgigon.

 

Ladakh as an independent kingdom gained political status during 15th-

16th century when the Namgyal dynasty came into power. The reign of

the Namgyal dynasty lasted until 1842 when a Dogra General, Zorawar

Singh, annexed Ladakh into the Dogra Empire. After 100 years of Dogra

rule, Ladakh alongwith Jammu and Kashmir became an integral part of

India in 1947.

 

>From the very outset Ladakh¡¯s political merger with J&K did not form

any natural cohesion and proved to be a folly throughout. Except for

the Dogras¡¯ suzerainty as a commonality, Ladakh is fundamentally

different from Kashmir in all respects - culturally, ethnically and

linguistically. Over they years the successive governments of the

state have adopted a policy of discrimination and subversion

towards the region with the sole objective of stiffing its people and

marginalising its historical, religious and cultural identity.

 

In the modern times, when the whole subcontinent has passed through

This historic decision was communicated through a memorandum

submitted by Shri Chhewang Rigzin, President, Ladakh Buddhist

Association, to Prime Minister Nehru on behalf of the people of

Ladakh on 4 May 1949. The memorandum concludes as under: ¡°Ladakh is

not prepared to go to Pakistan whatever the result of the plebiscite

may be¡±. The memorandum further put forth a poignant appeal to India:

 

¡°We seek the bosom of that gracious mother (India) to receive more

nutriment for growth to our full stature in every way. She has given

us what we prize above all other things - our religion and culture.

The Ashoka wheel on her flag, symbol of goodwill for all humanity,

and her concern for her cultural children, calls us irresistibly.

Will the great mother refuse to take to her arms one of her weakest

and most forlorn and depressed children - a child whom filial love

impels to respond to the call?¡±

the process of decolonisation to enjoy the fruits of national

independence, we, the people of Ladakh, and our land still continue

to suffer under the old concept of colonial administrative structure,

which suited the imperial interests and feudal rulers under the name

of the pseudo-state of Jammu and Kashmir. Gandhiji and other national

leaders emancipated the Indian masses from the oppressive alien

domination, exploitation, feudal and colonial rule, but we, the

people of Ladakh, with a distinct identity of our own have been

pushed under an oppressive political domination of Kashmiris and

denied the fruits of freedom and national independence.

 

The State of Jammu and Kashmir, the territorial limits of which never

formed a natural geopolitical entity in its real sense, still suffers

from geopolitical crises and disorder. Frederic Drew who served as

Governor in Ladakh in the 19th century remarked that ¡°the

territories of Jammu and Kashmir have no other bond of cohesion than

the fact of Maharaja¡¯s rule, no simple name for it exists.¡±

 

The degree of heterogeneity among the three regions is very high not

only in form but also in sharpness. In the case of Ladakh this

heterogeneity is expressed not only in terms of its totally different

physiographic setting but also manifest in its ethnic composition,

language, religion, philosophy and culture. In the last 52 years of

independence, we, the people of Ladakh, not only have suffered

rampant Kashmiri political domination but also severe drive of

separatism.

 

In the absence of any study which has analysed Ladakh¡¯s problems

from a nationalistic and political perspective, our endeavour is

three-fold. Firstly, we intend to highlight the emergence and

assertion of national identity, patriotism and national integration

among the Ladakhis towards our motherland. Secondly, we want to have

an objective assessment of the political exploitation of the people

of Ladakh and the Ladakhi¡¯s resistance towards Kashmiri sub-

nationalism. Thirdly, we are determined to mobilize public opinion

and national consensus in order to evolve a new perspective towards

the reorganisation of Jammu and Kashmir State.

 

The history of modern Ladakh can be considered as the history of the

emergence and assertion of nationalism and integration with modern

India. Nationalism became the mass ideology propagated and

perpetuated by the leadership of Ven. Kushok Bakula. Nationalism

remained a dominant ideological creed and became a rallying force

among the Ladakhis to fight back the Pakistanis and the Chinese who

made frequent bids to conquer our land in 1948, 1962, 1965, 1971 and

1999 wars. The jawans of Ladakh Scouts played an exemplary role in

decisively foiling the enemy¡¯s misadventures. The people of Ladakh

always stood for national unity and integrity of the country. We

always supported the Government in Delhi, irrespective of the

political party in power.

 

At the time of the British plan to partition India we made our stand

clear vis-a-vis our position within the State of J&K through our

memoranda to the Maharaja of J&K and to the Prime Minister of India.

 

Based on bitter experience that the people of Ladakh had during the

period of a century, their growing apprehensions for future were

communicated by the Ladakh Buddhist Association on behalf of the

Buddhists of Ladakh and adjoining areas to the Maharaja through a

memorandum in the State Praja Sabha. It consists of three alternative

proposals:

 

(1) The Maharaja should govern Ladakh directly without tagging it on

to Kashmir valley.

 

(2) Our homeland be amalgamated with the Hindu majority Jammu and

should form a separate province in which adequate safeguard should be

provided for distinctive rights and interests of Ladakhis.

 

(3) Ladakh should be permitted to join East Punjab.

 

However, the Maharaja¡¯s inability to reply due to sudden

developments in the State leading to the relinquishment of his

position as a party in respect of our proposals at (1) to (2) made us

choose a path independent of him. After mature deliberation it was

decided by our people to merge with India straightaway.

Ladakhis have since then consistently been demanding separation from

Jammu and Kashmir State and asking for the status of Union Territory.

The Government of India, however, never responded favourably to our

sincere conviction; instead they made us to be governed by Kashmiris

during these decades to our utter ruin. In the post - Independence

period we have been reduced to the status of slaves in our own

homeland. The impact of oppressive rule unleashed by the J&K

Government over us has obliterated our cultural and social ethos.

 

Sheikh Abdullah¡¯s Government divided Ladakh on communal basis in

1979 by creating two separate districts of Leh and Kargil with

Buddhist and Muslim majorities respectively. Subsequently they

encouraged communalisation of Ladakh¡¯s political, social and

cultural life. Such policies have severely challenged our age-old

communal harmony and secular credentials. Therefore, our major

struggle in the post - Independence period has been to have an

administration in Ladakh to be controlled directly by the central

government.

 

The history of our struggle goes back to 1964 when the first

organised effort of Ladakhis against Kashmiri domination and

exploitation, under the leadership of Ven. Kushok Bakula manifested

itself in a demand for NEFA type Central administration. A similar

agitation was launched in 1974 under the leadership of Ven. Lama

Lobzang, Thupstan Chhewang and Tsering Samphel demanding Central

administration for Ladakh. Again in 1982 a movement was led by Sh.

P.Namgyal, M.P. (who subsequently became a Union Minister) demanding

Regional Autonomy. But instead of satisfying our democratic rights

and aspirations the successive Kashmiri rulers severally suppressed

the democratic movement of peace loving Buddhists through the State

police. The agitation being carried out since 1989 by the Ladakh

Buddhist Association is by now quite well-known. This was a result of

the cumulative alienation of our people. At a time when anti-national

activities were gaining momentum in the Valley, resulting in total

boycott of Independence Day celebrations, the Farooq government

instead of nipping the secessionist movement in the bud, chose to let

out his anger on the peaceful demonstrators in Leh resulting in loss

of lives. In view of the increasing anti-national activities

elsewhere in the State and, therefore, keeping in mind the larger

national interest, the Ladakh Buddhist Association suspended its

demand for Union Territory and accepted the Ladakh Autonomous Hill

Development Council (LAHDC) somewhat on the lines of the Darjeeling

Gorkha Hill Council as a compromise under the tripartite agreement

reached between the State government, the Central government and the

LBA on 29 October 1989. It is however, most unfortunate that the

government did not actually allow any quantum of autonomy to be

exercised by the democratically elected LAHDC and also starved it of

funds. It is ironical that the same government is now pleading for,

greater autonomy, for the state.

 

Under these circumstances we are left with no choice but to reiterate

our long-standing demand for granting Union Territory status to

Ladakh, which would guarantee us an administrative set-up to run our

own affairs and safeguard our interests.

 

We are followers of the Buddha. Taking to arms and violence is

against our basic philosophy. In fact, our entire movement has

throughout been peaceful and democratic. We are also against the

violent path followed by people elsewhere in the country. Our main

objective is to convey our apprehensions which are related not only

to our own problems but also to national security issues. We appeal

to the national leaders, intelligentsia and the common people to

support our demand for Union Territory status and also help us in our

struggle against all forces which are trying to bring destabilization

in this frontier region. Their moral and material support to our

demand will greatly help in creating a stable and strong national

frontier.

 

It is absolutely erroneous to equate Kashmir valley with the rest of

the state. Ladakh constitutes 69.6% of the total J&K territory with a

distinct geo-political and geo-cultural identity of its own. The

aspirations of the people of Ladakh and their national outlook are

different from those of the people of Kashmir. Leaders of Kashmir

valley can never be leaders of our people and our assimilation with

the people of the Valley is next to impossible. The need of the hour

is, therefore, to tackle all the problems relating to Jammu, Kashmir

and Ladakh in totality. Any attempt at handling the Kashmir issue in

isolation by ignoring the problems of Jammu and Ladakh will not only

be shortsighted but also counterproductive. Therefore, a realistic

solution to the problems in J&K can only be found if the State is

reorganised on linguistic and ethnic basis, as was done earlier in

the case of other states.

 

*The author is President Ladakh Buddhist Association

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